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istorical Society. 

\ § ° s - 1 ■ 

• \ '■:.- ':' 

JUNE, 1895, TO JUNE, 1899, 








This volume consists of two parts, printed respectively in 
1897 and 1902. 

In binding the volume the title pages to the different parts 
should be omitted. 


C Ezra S. Stearns, 
Part 1, pages 1-174. ■] Nathan F. Carter, 
'(^Samuel C. Eastman. 

Samuel C. Eastman, 
Part 2, pages 175-534. \ Nathan F. Carter, 
John Dowst. 

Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2013 


Francis L. Abbot 

Alonzo P. Carpenter, LL. D. 

Bradbury L. Cilley 

Parsons B. Cogswell 

Moody Currier, LL. D. . 

Marshall P. Hall . 

Samuel S. Kimball 

Woodbridge Odlin 

Leonard W. Peabody, M. D. 

George A. Pillsbury 

Dexter Richards 

Isaac W. Smith, LL. D. 

Frederick Smyth 

Edward Spalding, M. D. 

Augustus Woodbury, D. D 











Records of the Seventy-third Annual Meeting, June 12, , 

1895 1-10 

Annual Report of the Librarian .... 1 

•« " Treasurer .... 4 

" " Secretary .... 6 

44 " Standing Committee . . 6 
Report of the Nominating Committee ... 6 
44 ** Naval History Committee . 8 
Records of the 1st Adjourned Seventy-third Annual Meet- 
ing, Oct. 10, 1895 ..... io-n 

Records of the 2d Adjourned Seventy-third Annual Meet- 
ing, Feb. 13, 1896 ..... 12-13 

Report of Standing Committee on Improvements . 12 
Address, by Hon. Amos Hadley, " New Hampshire in 

the Fourth Decade of the Passing Century' 1 . 14-62 
Records of the 3d Adjourned Seventy-third Annual Meet- 
ing, March 11, 1896 . . . . . 63-75 

Address, by Hon. J. B. Walker, *« Major Daniel Liv- 

ermore, Citizen Soldier of the Revolution 11 . 63-75 
Records of the 4th Adjourned Seventy-third Annual Meet- 
ing, April 1, 1S96 ...... 75 

Records of the 5th Adjourned Seventy-third Annual Meet- 
ing, May 6, 1896 75-109 

Paper, by Charles H. Woodbury, *< Matthew Thornton 11 76-108 
Records of the Seventy-fourth Annual Meeting, June 10, 

1896 109-142 

Annual Report of the Treasurer . . . . no 

44 •« Librarian . . ■ . Ill 

Report of the Nominating Committee . . . . 117 

Address, by Albert S. Wait, "William Plumer" . 1 19-142 



Records of the ist Adjourned Seventy-fourth Annual Meet- 
ing, Field Day, Sept. 30, 1896 . . . 142-144 
Records of the 2d Adjourned Seventy-fourth Annual Meet- 
ing, Jan. 13, 1897 144-146 

Biographical: 147-163 

Francis L. Abbot . . ■ . 

Parsons B. Cogswell ..... 

Marshall P. Hall 150 

George Olcott ....... 154 

Edward Spalding, M. D. 156 

William H. Tucker 159 

Augustus Woodbury, D. D. . . . . 16 r 

Index to Sullivan Papers ....... 164-174 

Records of the Seventy-fifth Annual Meeting, June 9, 1897 174-186 
Annual Report of the Treasurer . . . . 175 

44 " Secretary . . . . 177 

44 " Librarian . . . . 177 

Report of Nominating Committee .... 183 

44 Committee on Seal ..... 183 

Records of the ist Adjourned Seventy-fifth Annual Meeting, 

Field Day, July 15, 1897 .... 187-188 

Records of the 2d Adjourned Seventy-fifth Annual Meet- 
ing, Dec. 8, 1897 ...... 188-193 

Draft of Proposed Constitution of N. H. Historical So- 
ciety 188 

Draft of Proposed By-Laws of N. H. Historical Society 190 

Address, by Hon. Edgar Aldrich, (i The Affair of the 
Cedars and the Service of Col. Timothy Bedel 
in the War of the Revolution" . . . 194-231 

Records of the 3d Adjourned Seventy-fifty Annual Meeting, 

Feb. 3, 1898 231-260 

Address, by Rear Admiral George E. Belknap, "Rem- 
iniscent of Service in the Home Squadron, 

1859-61 "- 232-260 

Records of the 4th Adjourned Seventy-fifth Annual Meet- 
ing, March 9, 189S 260-292 

Address, by Hon. J. B. Walker, 44 The Controversy 
Between the Proprietors of Bow and those of 
Penny Cook, 1727-1789"' .... 261-292 
Records of the 5th Adjourned Seventy-fifth Annual Meet- 
ing, April 13, 1898 ..... 293 



Records of the 6th Adjourned Seventy-fifth Annual Meet 

ing, May It, 1898 .... 

Biographical : 

Henry Abbott . 

Alonzo P. Carpenter, LL. D. 

Herbert W. Eastman 

Woodbridge Odlin 

William S. Stevens . 
Records of the Seventy-sixth Annual Meeting, June 8 








Annual Report of the Secretary 
*« " Treasurtr 

" *« Auditor . 

" •« Librarian 

Letter of Hon. William C. Todd 
Report of Nominating Committee 
Address, by Rev. Arthur Little, D. D., "William Whip 

pie, Signer of the Declaration of Independence " 3 1 8-339 
Records of the 1st Adjourned Seventy-sixth Annual Meet 

ing, Field Day, Oct. 6, 1898 . 
Records of the 2d Adjourned Seventy-sixth Annual Meeting 

Dec. 14, 1898 

Records of the 3d Adjourned Seventy-sixth Annual Meet 

ing, Jan. 11, 1899 34i"39° 

Address, by Rev. Lucius Waterman, D. D., " The 
Right Rev. William Bell White Howe, Son of 
New Hampshire and Sometime Bishop of South 
Carolina "....... 342-389 

Records of the 4th Adjourned Seventy-sixth Annual Meet- 
ing, Feb. 8, 1899 ...... 390 

Records of the 5th Adjourned Seventy-sixth Annual Meet- 
ing, March 8, 1899 ..... 390-434 

Address, by Frank B. Sanborn, "Gen. John Stark: 
His Genius and Achievements as Factors in the 
Accomplishment of American Independence" 391-414 
Address, by Rear Admiral George E. Belknap, "John 

Paul Jones'' 414-434 

Records of the 6th Adjourned Seventy-sixth Annual Meet- 
ing, April 12, 1899 435-472 

Address, by Samuel C. Beane, D. D., " Gen. Enoch 

Poor" 435-472 



Resolution Authorizing Purchase of Chadwick Lot . . 473 

Records of the 7th Adjourned Seventy-sixth Annual xMeet- 

ing, May 10, 1899 . . . . . 473-497 

Address, by Col. Frank G. Noyes, " Maj.-Gen. John 
G. Foster, Son of New Hampshire, Soldier of 
the Republic" ...... 474-497 

Invitation to the Oliver Cromwell Tri-Centennial, Bos- 
ton 474 

Biographical: 498-516 

Bradbury L. Cilley ...... 498 

Moody Currier, LL. D. 499 

Samuel S. Kimball ...... 502 

Leonard W. Peabody, M. D. . . . . 504 

George A. Pillsbury ...... 505 

Dexter Richards ...... 506 

Arthur W. Silsby 511 

Isaac W. Smith, LL. D 512 

Frederick Smyth . . . . . . 514 

General Index ........ 517-522 

Index of Names . . . . . . . . 523-534 


Concord, Wednesday, June 12, 1895. 

The seventy-third annual meeting of the New Hampshire 
Historical Society was held in the rooms of the Society at Con- 
cord, Wednesday, June 12, 1895, at eleven o'clock in the fore- 
noon, Hon. Amos Hadley, President, in the chair. 

On motion of Hon. J. C. A. Hill, the reading of the records of 
the several meetings of the Society during the past year was 

On motion of Rev. C. L. Tappan, 

Voted, That a committee for the nomination of officers for the 
ensuing year be appointed by the chair. 

The following-named gentlemen were appointed: 

Hon. Albert S. Wait, 
Hon. P. B. Cogswell, 
Rev. C. L. Tappan. 

On motion of the same gentleman, 

Voted, That a committee be appointed to report on the names 
of applicants for membership. 

The chair named for such committee : 

Rev. N. F. Carter, 
Col. J. E. Pecker, 
John C. Ordway, Esq. 

The report of the Librarian was then presented : 

report of the librarian. 
To the Annual Meeting of the N. H. Historical Society ; 

The Librarian respectfully presents his fifth and last annual 
report for the year ending June 12, 1895 : 


Accessions to the Library have been as follows : 
Bound volumes . . . . . .163 

Unbound volumes and pamphlets 

Town reports of N. H. 

Maps, etc., from Mrs. C. H. Bell. 




The Library now contains 12,063 bound volumes. 
Books and pamphlets received during the year 1894-5 

From Historical Societies . 

Government, Washington 

Rev. F. D. Ayer 

Mrs. Josiah Sanborn . 

Vermont State Library 

New Hampshire Societies 

J. C. A. Hill 

State of New Hampshire 

Dr. S. A. Green 

Hon. S. C. Eastman . 

Franklin P. Rice 

Massachusetts Historical Society 

Worcester Society of Antiquity 

City of Boston . 

City of Concord 

Rev. S. L. Gerould . 

William S. Appleton . 

Books purchased 

City of Providence 

Hon. William C. Todd 

A. B. C. F. Missions 

A. H. M. Society 

Republican Press Association 

Hon. Ezra S. Stearns 

New England Hist. Gen. Society 

American Education Society 

Miss Lucy E. Dow 

Rev. H. A. Hazen . 

Connecticut State Library 

Phillips Exeter Academy . 

Tennessee State Board of Health 

Macmillan & Co. 

Mrs. Cora K. Bell . 




2 3 













From Mrs. C. H. Bell 
Miscellaneous . 


Sketch of town of Nelson in newspaper 
Sketch of Phillips Exeter Academy . 
Johns Hopkins University Studies, 2 vols. 
Sir William Phipps devant Quebec . 
Granite Monthly, vols. 1 and 2 . 

Willey's Nuffield in Nos 

History of Hampton ..... 


7 vols. Granite Monthly 
56 Historical pamphlets .... 
6 N. E. Historical Genealogical Registers 
114 N. H. Registers, Magazines, etc. 


Proceedings of the Society, vol. I, 2 copies 
" " vol. II, part 3 . 

Collections of the Society, vol. X, 3 copies 
Norris Family ..... 
Supplement to History of Windham . 
Colonial Papers, vol. II 
State Papers, vols. XVI-XXIV 


Express on books and pamphlets 
Books purchased .... 
Post-office box ..... 
Postage stamps and postals 
Cleaning clocks 
Washing floors and windows 


Presented by publishers : 

Book Reviews, New York. 

Canaan Reporter. 

Daily Advertiser, Boston, from J. B. Walker. 

Exeter Gazette. 





1. 00 






1. 00 

3 I -5° 







$45- 2 ; 



Free Press, Somers worth. 

Granite Monthly, Concord. 

Hamptonia, New Hampton. 

Independent, Contoocook. 

Littleton Courier. 

Manifesto, East Canterbury. 

Manufacturer and Builder, New York. 

Merrimack Journal, Franklin Falls. 

Mirror and Farmer, Manchester. 

New England Historical and Genealogical Register. 

Notes and Queries, Manchester. 

People and Patriot. 

Plymouth Record. 

Travellers' Record, Hartford, Conn. 

For the last five years I have given all my time, and done 
what I could for the benefit of the library, though not what I 
Would have done under more favorable circumstances. The 
library was not in the best condition, and is not now, and can- 
not be until the rooms are remodeled, or more space furnished, 
which will doubtless be brought about in due time. I find myself 
unable to take care of the library as it should be, so cheerfully 
leave it to other hands, trusting it will be given to some one of 
superior adaptability to the work, and superior mental training. 
The library requires the best work that can be done, and the 
undivided attention of the librarian, aided always by every mem- 
ber of the Society. 

Respectfully submitted, 

Charles L. Tappan, 


By vote, the Librarian's report was accepted and placed on file. 

On motion of Hon. S. C. Eastman, 

Voted, That the list of books received by the Society during 
the year be omitted from the proceedings of the Society when 
printed, and so much of a former vote as required the librarian 
to report, other than a list of names of donors, be rescinded. 

The following report of the Treasurer was then given : 


The Treasurer respectfully submits the following report of 
receipts and expenditures for the year ending June n, 1895 : 



Balance from last year .... $13,958.02 

Cash received from initiation fees . 1 15.00 

assessments . . 381.00 

interest on funds . 668.05 

books sold . . 45- 2 5 
state appropriation, 

two years . . 1, 000.00 

loans paid . . 1,100.00 


Balance of last year's salary of Librarian $250.00 

Paid salary of Librarian 


Edson C. Eastman 


Republican Press Association 


Ira C. Evans 


postage .... 


coal and wood 


J. B. Clarke Co., Manchester 


Eastman & Merrill, insurance 


repairs ..... 


expenses on the Sabine papers 


books purchased . 


expenses of Roswell Farnham 


expenses of Pres. S. C. Bartlett 


N. F. Carter, making index to pro 

ceedings .... 


investment in loan 


accrued interest . 


sundry expenses of Librarian 


sundry expenses . 


Permanent fund .... 

. $11,000.00 

Current funds .... 





Respectfully submitted, 

William P. Fiske, Treasurer. 
Concord, N. H., June 12, 1895. 

The report was accepted, and ordered to be placed on file. 


The report of the Publishing Committee was then presented, 

accepted, and ordered to be placed on file. 

The following report of the Secretary was then read : 


Number of new members voted in during the year . . 33 
Number who have qualified . . . . . .17 

Number removed by death . . . . . .4 

Isaac K. Gage, 
Ex-Gov. B. F. Prescott, 
Dea. Daniel Secomb, 
George Olcott. 

Whole number of resident members at the present time, 180 

John C. Ordway, Secretary. 

Report accepted to be placed on file. 

The report of the Standing Committee, embracing three plans 
of repairs and improvements to the Society's building, was pre- 
sented by J. C. A. Hill. The report was accepted, and on 
motion of Hon. S. C. Eastman, it was 

Voted) That the second plan recommended by the committee 
be adopted, and the Standing Committee instructed to carry 
the same into effect. 

The Committee on the Nomination of Officers, by its chair- 
man, Hon. A. S. Wait, presented the following list, which was 
by vote accepted and adopted, and the following-named persons 
were declared elected officers for the ensuing year: 


Hon. Benjamin A. Kimball. 

Vice-p residen ts. 

Hon. George L. Balcom, 
Hon. Lyman D. Stevens. 

Recording Secretary. 
John C. Ordway. 


Corresponding Secretary. 
Hon. Sylvester Dana. 

William P. Fiske. 

Rev. Nathan F. Carter. 

Dr. Eli E. Graves. 

Hon. Joseph B. Walker. 

Standing Committee. 

Hon. J. C. A. Hill, 
Hon. P. B. Cogswell, 
Hon. John Kimball. 

Library Committee. 

Hon. Amos Hadley, 

Rev. C. L. Tappan, 

Mrs. Frances E. Stevens. 

Committee on Publication. 

Hon. Albert S. Wait, 
Rev. Nathan F. Carter, 
Edson C. Eastman. 

Rev. N. F. Carter, for the Committee on New Members, 
recommended the following names of applicants: 

George Albert Worcester, Milford ; 
Frank A. Colby, Berlin ; 
Fred Myron Colby, Warner; 
Augustus Woodbury, D. D., Concord ; 

and they were severally elected to membership by ballot. 


On motion of J. B. Walker, 

Voted, That the usual tax of three dollars be levied for the 
ensuing year. 

Voted, That the procuring of an orator for the next annual 
meeting, and for the quarterly meetings, be left with the Stand- 
ing Committee. 

The President, Hon. Amos Hadley, Ph. D., then delivered 
the annual address, taking for his subject, " New Hampshire in 
the Fourth Decade of the Passing Century." 1 

At the close of the address it was 

Voted, That the thanks of the Society be presented to the 
retiring President for his very able and carefully prepared ad- 
dress, and that a copy of the same be requested for publication. 

The report of the Committee to Encourage the Publication of 
a Naval History of New Hampshire followed : 


To the New Hampshire Historical Society ; 

Your committee appointed to encourage and promote the 
formation of an association of the men of New Hampshire con- 
nected with the naval service of the United States, with the 
object, among others, of securing the preparation of a history of 
the efforts of the state and its citizens in that service, have the 
honor to report that they early corresponded with Admiral 
Belknap upon the subject, who expressed much interest in the 
enterprise, and gave assurance that he would lend his aid in its 
promotion. At his suggestion, the committee caused to be pub- 
lished in the several newspapers of the state a notice embody- 
ing the resolution, and containing, among other things, the fol- 
lowing : 

As preliminary to the work of actual organization, it has been 
suggested by a gentleman high in the naval service, that a list 
of the naval men of the state be made by the committee, and 
thereupon to invite appropriate action for the accomplishment 
of the object in view. 

Following this suggestion, the committee earnestly invite all 
men of New Hampshire who have served in the navy in any 
capacity, to communicate the fact to some member of the com- 

i The address was continued at a later meeting, and will be found printed in its 
proper place. 


mittee as early as convenient after this communication shall 
come to their notice, and thus give their aid to a movement for 
the preservation of the history of our state in a branch of the 
public service with which they are themselves so honorably 

The responses to this invitation of the committee have not 
been so numerous or so ready as they had hoped, and the con- 
templated organization has not yet been effected. It is hoped, 
however, should the committee be authorized to continue its 
work, that the organization will be completed so that steps 
towards the chief object in contemplation may be proceeded 
with in the course of the present season. 

Respectfully submitted, 

A. S. Wait, 

P. B. Cogswell, 

J. C. A. Wingate, 


By vote, the report was accepted, and the committee con- 

The committee to consider the subject of a catalogue of the 
books in the library made a verbal report, which was accepted,, 
and the committee continued. 

On nomination of Col. J. E. Pecker it was 

Voted, That a committee of three be appointed by the chair 
to make arrangements for the annual Field-day. 

The following gentlemen were named as such committee : 

Col. J. E. Pecker, 
Hon. B. A. Kimball, 
John C. Thorne, Esq. 

On motion of Hon. S. C. Eastman it was 

Voted, That the report of the committee on the printing of 
the Plumer Memoirs be accepted, and the Standing Committee 
authorized to adjust any expense incurred. 

On motion of Rev. C. L. Tappan it was 

Voted, That the Library Committee be requested to hold 
monthly meetings. 

On motion of Hon. J. B. Walker, the same committee were- 


requested to procure some suitable form for the acknowledg- 
ment of books, etc., presented to the library. 
On motion it was 

Voted, That Hon. J. B. Walker and John C. Ordway be a 
committee to procure a seal for the use of the Society. 

At 2 : 15 p. m. the Society adjourned. 


Portsmouth, N. H., October 10, 1895. 

The first adjourned seventy-third annual meeting and Field- 
day of the New Hampshire Historical Society was held at 
Portsmouth, Thursday, October 10, 1895. 

The Field-day arrangements were made by a special com- 
mittee appointed for that purpose, consisting of Col. J. Eastman 
Pecker, Hon. Benjamin A. Kimball, and John C. Thorne, Esq., 
all of Concord, to which subsequently Hon. Wallace Hackett of 
Portsmouth, and Hon J. S. H. Frink of Greenland, were 

Under the marshalling of Colonel Pecker, a party of thirty or 
more left Concord at 7 : 40 a. m., receiving accessions at Man- 
chester, Rockingham Junction, and other places, and arrived at 
Portsmouth at 10 o'clock in the forenoon. There the party 
were received by Hon. Mr. Hackett and his wife, and Rev. Mr. 
Hovey, rector of St. John's Church, of Portsmouth, who kindly 
served as escort during the day. An interesting visit was made 
to the quaint old Wentworth mansion, erected in 1749, of great 
historic interest as the home of the royal governor, and the seat 
of great splendor in colonial days, where the party were hos- 
pitably received and entertained by J. T. Cooledge, Esq., the 
present owner of the estate ; also at Fort William and Mary, 
now Fort Constitution, and other points of interest in and about 
Newcastle ; after which the party returned to Portsmouth, and 
dined together at 2 o'clock at the Rockingham House. After 


dinner, a brief business meeting was held in the old colonial 
dining-room, the president, Hon. B. A. Kimball, in the chair. 
On nomination, the following persons were elected resident 
members of the Society : 

Frederick E. Potter, M. D., 
Thomas P. Salter, 
James R. Stanwood, 
J. Albert Walker, 
Arthur W. Walker, 

all of Portsmouth, and 

Miss H. Maria Woods, 
Rev. E. J. Aiken, 

both of Concord. 

On motion of Hon. L. D. Stevens, 

Voted, That the cordial thanks of the members of the Xew 
Hampshire Historical Society be tendered to Rev. Mr. Hovev 
and Hon. Wallace Hackett for the many thoughtful and gener- 
ous courtesies shown to the party during the day. 

Afterwards an adjournment was made, subject to the call of 
the president. 

The balance of the afternoon was spent in a delightful visit 
to St. John's church, and an examination of the historic relics 
belonging to that Society, the ancient baptismal font, the i% Vin- 
egar Bible," 1 716, the chair in which Washington sat, 17S9, the 
bell captured at Louisburg and recast by Paul Revere, 1806, 
and other interesting souvenirs of the past. Visits were also made 
to some of the oldest private residences, ante-dating the Revolu- 
tionary period. Returning, the party left Portsmouth at 5 : 15, 
and reached Concord a little past 8 o'clock, p. m., all agreeing 
that the outing had been one of the most interesting and pleas- 
ing the Society had ever enjoyed. 

John C. Ordway, 




Concord, N. H., February 13, 1896. 

The second adjourned seventy-third annual meeting of the 
New Hampshire Historical Society was held in the Society's 
rooms in Concord, Thursday, February 13, 1896, at 2 o'clock in 
the afternoon, sixteen members in attendance, and the presi- 
dent, Hon. B. A. Kimball, in the chair. 

The report of the Standing Committee covering the improve- 
ments and repairs in the Society's rooms was presented by the 
chairman, J. C. A. Hill. 


Mr. President, and Members of the New Hampshire Historical 

Society : 

At the last annual meeting of this Society, a plan was pre- 
sented by the Standing Committee of last year for some 
changes and improvements in the first story of this building, 
and at that meeting it was voted to have the work done, and re- 
ferred to the Standing Committee just chosen, consisting of 
Hon. J. C. A. Hill, Hon. P. B. Cogswell, and Hon. John Kim- 
ball. As all will remember, on the north side of the office room 
were cases for newspapers ; on the east side, a small room in 
which were newspapers, and the stone safe or vault. The vault 
and partitions were removed, making the room as you now 
see it. 

A fire-proof vault. 20 x 14, was built on the east side of the 
building, well lighted and with iron doors. 

The south room had been used as a store or lumber room. 
That has been cleaned up and cases for the newspapers placed 
there, making room for a larger number of papers than we now 

A cellar was made under the vault, and under part of the 
building, in which is placed a good furnace for heating the of- 
fice room. 

Your committee had a number of meetings, and decided to 
have cases for books built on all sides of the office room, as you 
now see them, making, as it seems to us, a fine library room. 
New hard wood floors were laid in it, and in the hall as well. A 
good stairway was also made to the cellar. 



The cost of repairs was $2,667.21. 

One member of the Standing Committee, Hon. P. B. Cogs- 
well, has left us, and gone forward to the better life, but not 
till all the repairs had been decided upon. Mr. Cogswell was 
very much interested in the work, and was a frequent visitor at 
the rooms before his death, and in his last will proved that he 
had the interest of the Society in his heart. 

J. C. A. Hill, 
John Kimball, 
Standing Committee. 

On motion of Hon. L. D. Stevens, the report was accepted and 
ordered to be placed on file. A vote of thanks was tendered 
the committee for the excellent manner in which they had per- 
formed the duty assigned them. 

The following resolution, presented by Hon. J. B. Walker, was 
adopted by a vote of the Society: 

Resolved, That a monthly meeting of the Society be held at 
its library on the first Wednesday of March, April, and May 
next, and that the librarian and Standing Committee be hereby 
requested to procure a speaker to address the Society on some 
historical subject at each of said meetings. 

Afterwards, Hon. Ezra S. Stearns offered the following resolu- 
tion : 

Resolved, That a committee of four be appointed by the chair 
to examine and report upon the unpublished documents and 
manuscripts deposited with the Society, and that such commit- 
tee be requested to make such recommendation concerning the 
preservation and publication of any documents and manuscripts 
as a careful examination may suggest. 

The resolution was adopted, and the following persons ap- 
pointed such committee : 

Hon. Ezra S. Stearns, 
Rev. N. F. Carter, 
Hon. A. S. Batchellor, 
Otis G. Hammond. 

On motion of Rev. N. F. Carter, a vote of thanks was tendered 
to J. C. Thorne, Esq., for the presentation of a new sign for the 
Society's building; also to B. Billsborough for a similar favor. 


The committee on new members presented the names of Isaac 
N. Abbott, of Concord, and Herbert W. Eastman, of Manches- 
ter, who were unanimously elected to membership. 

On motion of Rev. C. L. Tappan, William P. Fiske was elected 
a member of the Standing Committee to fill the vacancy occa- 
sioned by the death of Hon. P. B. Cogswell. 

Hon. L. D. Stevens presented the following resolutions: 

Whereas, the Society has been informed that a bequest of 
five hundred dollars was made to it in the will of Hon. P. B. 
Cogswell, late of Concord, deceased, therefore, 

Resolved, That this Society accept the bequest of Mr. Cogs- 
well upon the terms expressed in his will, with a grateful appre- 
ciation of his interest in the welfare of the Society, and the val- 
uable service rendered by him while he was a member thereof. 

Resolved, That this Society improve this first opportunity to 
express its sorrow for the death of Mr. Cogswell, and the high 
esteem in which he was held by its members, as an upright, hon- 
orable, and eminently useful citizen, and a faithful and incor- 
ruptible public officer. 

These resolutions were unanimously adopted, and the secre- 
tary instructed to forward a copy to the family of the deceased. 

After finishing the business routine, Hon. Amos Hadley deliv- 
ered the concluding portion of his address on " New Hampshire 
in the Fourth Decade of the Passing Century," the first portion 
having been given at the annual meeting in June last. 


When the fourth decade of the nineteenth century began, New 
Hampshire, one of the original thirteen, was one of twenty-four 
sister states of the American Union. It so fell out, too, in 
notable and auspicious coincidence, that, on the first month of 
this period, the true nature of that Union was defined by New 
Hampshire's greatest son, on the floor of the nation's senate, in 
eloquence of classic immortality. The thrill of that matchless 
effort has ever since throbbed in the heart of the American peo- 
ple. For even now after the lapsing years of peace and of war, 
and since slavery is dead, more significant and inspiring are the 
mighty words, " Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and 


x 5 

inseparable," — than they were when uttered by Daniel Webster, 
on the twenty-sixth of January, 1830. 

In this year 1830, — the opening one of the decade over which 
historical glances are now to be cast, — there dwelt on the diver- 
sified surface of New Hampshire, from the sea to the yet unde- 
fined Canadian limit, a population numbering somewhat less 
than two hundred seventy thousand. Owing largely to the con- 
stant drain of Western emigration, the number hardly increased 
fifteen thousand during the period. This population mainly 
occupied two hundred twenty-one incorporated towns, in eight 
counties ; Belknap and Carroll not having yet been carved from 
Strafford. Within these towns, in detached homes, or in ham- 
lets and villages more or less compact, lived and labored the 
people, in varying numbers, during the ten years. 

Portsmouth and Dover, the seats of the earliest civilized occu- 
pation of New Hampshire, led in population throughout the 
period; the former having 8,082 at the beginning, and 7,837 at 
the end; the latter numbering, at the same dates, 5,549 and 
6,458. In 1830, Gilmanton, with 3,816 inhabitants, was, in 
population, the third town in the state; but in 1840, with 3,485, 
stood the fifth, having been displaced by Nashua, which, dur_ 
ing the same time, increased its numbers from 2,417 to 6,054. 
Concord, the capital since 1808, was, in 1830, with its 3,727, 
the fourth in rank, and so continued to be; reaching at the end 
of ten years, 4,903. In 1840, Meredith, with 3,344, stood the 
sixth; Somersworth, with 3,283, the seventh. Manchester, 
which at the beginning of the period numbered 8S7, could at 
the end count 3,235, and ranked the eighth. Of the twenty 
other towns which, in 1830, contained each between 2,000 and 
3,000 inhabitants, the three highest were Exeter, Newmarket, 
and Sanbornton, which held throughout the decade the same 
absolute and relative rank. Four others of the twenty, in 
decreasing order, were Haverhill, Sandwich, Hanover, and 

These figures of the census mark somewhat the changes in 
industrial currents and other features of enlightened occupation 
which occurred during the ten years. Outside the older towns 
on or near the seaboard, centres of condensing population had 


formed, and were still forming, inland throughout the state ; as, 
at the state capital, at county seats, at " bridges " or " corners," 
at any places, in short, where centrality, with other favoring 
circumstances, promised special advantages from compactness 
of settlement. The hamlets and villages, old and new, thus 
formed, were, for the sparsely populated agricultural neighbor- 
hoods, both profitable marts and radiant centres of other bene- 
ficial influences. For in them was that society which encour- 
ages superior intelligence and achievement in thought and 
action. There commercial endeavor, mechanical effort, and 
manufacturing enterprise found ampler range. There banks of 
discount lubricated the movements of business, and savings 
banks held, for steady gains, the earnings of thrifty labor; the 
former growing in number from twenty-one to twenty-eight ; the 
latter, from two to eight. There insurance companies — increas- 
ing from two to eleven — came into organization to relieve indi- 
vidual loss by fire. Thence the printing press issued its im- 
pressions for the enlightenment of the people. Thither was 
attracted superior talent in the professions of law, medicine, 
and divinity. There centered movements and organizations for 
promoting intellectual, moral, and religious advancement. There 
education found more generous nurture in the common school 
and the frequent academy; while the one college, which already 
had many sons to " love it," l continued with increasing power, 
to allure still upward to liberal culture. In fine, there was there 
that blending of the rural and the urban which tends to consti- 
tute the enlightened, well-ordered, happy community. 

At this time, the people of New Hampshire were living under 
state and national constitutions nearly half a century old, and 
with laws, customs, and institutions sanctioned by experience, 
and subject to such changes and additions only as the public 
good, under new exigencies of advancing civilization, might 

The conduct of civil affairs was of annual tenure. The second 
Tuesday of March was a great day in the calendar. Then it 

» " It is, sir, as I have said, a small college, and yet there are those who love it."— 
Daniel Webster, before the Supreme Court of the United States, in the Dartmouth 
College case, March 10, 1S18. 


J 7 

was that not only the business of each town was yearly regu- 
lated, and the requisite officers chosen, but also the official lists 
of the executive and legislative departments of the state govern- 
ment, and a county register of deeds and treasurer, were newly 
filled, — as were, moreover, biennially, the New Hampshire seats 
in the lower house of the national congress, six for the first 
term of the period, and five for the four succeeding terms. Then 
and long afterward, the New Hampshire election, coming ear- 
liest in the year and often turning upon issues in national poli- 
tics, had special national significance. 

When the decade began, the administration of the popular 
Revolutionary veteran, Benjamin Pierce, as governor, was in the 
last half of its second term ; the administrations of Matthew 
Harvey, Samuel Dinsmoor, William Badger, Isaac Hill, and 
John Page filled out the remainder of the period. Five council- 
lors advised "the governor in the executive part of government." 
A senate of twelve members, and a house of representatives, 
averaging two hundred and forty, made up the legislative 
branch of the government. A secretary of state and a state 
treasurer, elected annually by the legislature, were permanent 
occupants of the state house. 

The Geneial Court met annually on the first Wednesday of 
June, and, with haying not far ahead for the farmer majority of 
legislators, and with slow means of conveyance, enforcing con- 
tinuous stay at the capital, it met for short sessions. Quadren- 
nially it held an extra fall session, with the primary purpose of 
apportioning the state tax. In the pleasant state house, luxu- 
riously shaded by the elms and maples of " leafy June," the gen- 
eral court was in working order by the third day, with its organ- 
ization effected on Wednesday, and the governor inaugurated 
on Thursday. This was " Election Day," and one of more or 
less holiday concourse and display. Since 1784, one feature of 
the occasion had been the " Election Sermon " preached before 
the newly installed state government. For some years the 
executive and both branches of the legislature had been wont to 
repair in procession to the North church, where the service was 
held. But on Thursday, the second day of June, 1831, the ven- 
erable custom was observed for the last time, and the series of 



sermons which begun with that of Samuel McClintock, Stark's 
chaplain at Bunker Hill, closed with that of Nathan Lord, presi- 
dent of Dartmouth College. 

With the talent of Jared W. Williams, Franklin Pierce, 
Charles G. Atherton, and Ira A. Eastman in the chair; with 
the practical efficiency of Anthony Colby, Nathaniel S. Berry, 
Ichabod Goodwin, John L. Hadley, Charles H. Peaslee, Thomas 
P. Treadwell, Thomas M. Edwards, Joel Eastman, Levi Cham- 
berlain, Thomas E. Sawyer, Josiah Quincy, and George W. Nes- 
mith, as well as the eloquence of Ichabod Bartlett and James 
Wilson, Jr., on the floor, — the general court of that period had 
the men, while the times afforded the occasions, the questions, 
and the measures, to render the legislative record in some 
respects one of special historic interest. To some points of that 
record subsequent attention will be directed. It may, however, 
here be said that a rigid spirit of economy characterized legisla- 
tion. To make the appropriations for salaries and everything 
else bear as lightly as possible upon present and future tax- 
payers was a matter of pride. The annual state tax was kept 
at forty-five thousand dollars. In 1833, no state tax was laid; 
for, in the rapid extinguishment of the national debt, the three 
per cent, stock of the state in that debt was returned to the 
state, amounting to about sixty thousand dollars. An attempt 
was made to establish therewith a bank at the capital ; also, 
another to distribute it to the towns. Both schemes failing, the 
legislature put the money into the state treasury, and thus 
relieved the people from one year's taxation for state purposes. 

For some years and until 1833, the judicial system of New 
Hampshire embraced a superior court of judicature and a court 
of common pleas, 1 each consisting of a chief justice and two 
associates. After that time, throughout the decade, the jus- 
tices of the superior court, comprising an additional associate, 
presided ex officio in the common pleas, together with two spe- 
cial justices appointed for each county. The latter were not of 
the legal profession, and were commonly called "side judges," 
though, not unfrequently, the " Mower-pots." The ordinary 
business of the superior court was thus transferred to the com- 

1 While this court was distinct, Arthur Livermore was its chief justice. 



mon pleas ; while the justices of the former had chancery pow- 
ers, and held a law term annually in each county. William 
Merchant Richardson, who had presided over the highest judi- 
cial tribunal of the state for twenty-two years, enjoying the 
popular confidence even to reverence, as " the great and honest 
judge," was removed by death 1 in 1838. Joel Parker, one of his 
worthy associates, succeeded him as chief justice of the supe- 
rior court of judicature. The same year, George Sullivan, the 
gifted son of a gifted father, also died. 2 Three years before he 
had resigned 3 the office of attorney-general, which he had filled 
for nearly twenty years with signal ability, and graced with a 
most fascinating eloquence. 

Of course, the judicial department had its eight solicitors, 
and its eight high sheriffs with their deputies ; also, its clerks of 
courts, its coroners, its notaries public, and its multitude — 
which no man can easily number — of justices of the peace, and 
of the peace and quorum, "within and for" their respective 
counties, and " throughout the state." Early there were county 
criers to proclaim the will of the court, in opening, adjourning, 
and other matters ; but after the first three or four years of the 
period, this " oyes " 4 function was devolved upon the sheriffs. 
Down to the middle of the decade, and possibly beyond, there 
were also in each county, commissioners of jail delivery ; for 
imprisonment for debt still lingered as a bad relic of the past. 

As a penal institution, the state prison has connection with 
the judicial department, and facts concerning it may here be 
mentioned. When the state prison was built in 1812, "ideas 
of penitentiary discipline were comparatively crude, and accom- 
modations were limited so that prisoners were confined at night, 
two in a cell. This afforded means of communication between 
prisoners which was found unfriendly to the moral improvement 
of the convicts," 5 and facilitated escape. Governor Harvey, in 
1830, and Governor Dinsmoor, the next year, suggested the 

1 At his residence in Chester, March 23, aged 64. 
1 At Exeter, June 14, aged 65. 

8 He was succeeded by Charles F. Gove, of Goffstown. 

4 The old opening expression in a court proclamation, and signifying " Hear ye! " 
Which finally took its place. "* 

6 Gov. Dinsmoor, Message, 1831. 


enlargement of the prison. The suggestion was carried out in 
1 %33, by tne addition of a new wing. In the years 1832, '33, 
'34, the management of the institution was in politics, and was 
bitterly complained of by the political party in opposition to the 
state administration. In the last year, John McDaniel was ap- 
pointed warden in place of Abner P. Stinson ; and, as one com- 
plaint was that the prison did "not pay its way," the system of 
" letting the labor of convicts " to contractors was commenced, 
to be continued through the decade and beyond, with temporary 
interruption. In 1836, a law was passed which provided for the 
election of the warden by the legislature. This law remained 
in force between twenty and thirty years, and then the power 
to appoint was restored to the governor and council. And it is 
also worthy of remembrance, that, in 1836, was made the first 
appropriation — one of fifty dollars — for the humane purpose of 
purchasing books for the use of the convicts. 

The probate system was commended by competent authority, 
as "admirable." 1 The registers, as well as the judges, could 
hold office till the age of seventy years. In 1836, the tenure 
of registers was limited to five years, by a law requiring resigna- 
tion and new appointment. This law, however, found some 
delay in its full execution, for its requirement of resignation 
could not be enforced by removal on legislative address. 
But new legislation finally accomplished the end desired, by 
limiting to August 1, 1839, the tenure of office of any register 
of probate appointed prior to the 28th of June, 1817. 

The Bar numbered, on an average, two hundred members. 
It ranked high in professional ability and achievement; and 
matched well with the learned and distinguished Bench. 
Indeed, its scroll of fame, bearing the names of William Plumer, 
Jeremiah Smith, Daniel Webster, Levi Woodbury, and Jeremiah 
Mason, from former decades, only unrolled itself into this to 
receive, in fit addition, such names as Ichabod Bartlett, George 
Sullivan, James, Joseph, and Samuel Dana Bell, Daniel Milti- 
more Christie, John James Gilchrist, John Parker Hale, James 
Wilson, Jr., Ira Perley, and Franklin Pierce. 

The inhabitants of New Hampshire still well-nigh -homoge- 

» Gov. Isaac Hill, Message, June 6, 1836. 


neously English in descent — with the Scotch-Irish element 
assimilated — were also well-nigh homogeneously Protestant. 
Only two small Roman Catholic societies existed in the State — 
one at Dover, the other at Claremont. Nine denominations — 
exclusive of a few Sandemanians at Portsmouth, and two fami- 
lies of Shakers — shared among them the Protestant population. 
There were Congregationalists, Presbyterians, Calvinistic Bap- 
tists, Freewill Baptists, Christians, Methodists, Universalists, 
Unitarians, Episcopalians, and Friends. The Congregationalists 
were the most numerous, and the Presbyterians, who were few, 
affiliated with them. Each sect of Baptists — the Calvinistic 
and the Freewill — counted goodly numbers; the Christians were 
fewer. Of the Universalists, Unitarians, and Episcopalians, the 
first had, at the end of the period, about thirty preachers ; the 
second had sixteen churches ; the third, nine. The Friends 
were included in twelve small societies, and were the only sect 
showing decrease during the decade. The frequent meeting- 
house gave opportunity to " every individual to worship God 
according to the dictates of his own conscience and reason ; " 
and of those thus worshiping, "between thirty and forty thou- 
sand were communicants in churches of different denomina- 
tions." 1 The Sabbath school was an established institution ; 
and in it, thousands pursued the study of the Scriptures, the 
diffusion of which Bible societies earnestly strove to promote. 
For power in the pulpit, for efficiency in pastoral duty, and for 
devotion to the general welfare of the people before whom they 
11 went in and out," the ministry held worthily the continuous 
line of well-doing on which worthy predecessors had stood and 
worthy successors were to stand. The attempt, in a brief and 
general sketch like this, to characterize, by the selection of 
individual names, so large a body of comparatively local 
workers, would be unsatisfactory, and, probably, deemed invid- 

To aid in the preparation of young men for the ministry, a 
theological school under Calvinistic Baptist patronage was con- 
nected with the literary institution at New Hampton, and 
another under Congregational auspices was opened at Gilman- 

i Whiton's New Hampshire, p. 202. 


ton in connection with the academy there. The former was a 
more successful venture than the latter. But Newton was 
stronger than one, and Andover than the other. To assist the 
ministry in the inculcation and enforcement of the truth as held 
by the different denominations, as well as to enliven, energize, 
and unify denominational efforts and movements, resort was 
naturally had to the newspaper as an organ. Thus, the Con- 
gregationalists had their Observer-, the Calvinistic Baptists, their 
Register; the Freewill Baptists, their Morning Star; the Chris- 
tians, their Journal; the Unitarians, their Monitor; the Uni- 
versalists, their Star in the East. 

And so, with an aggregate of untold resultant good, the sects 
conscientiously sought " to save" — but each in its own way; 
except in special "revival " efforts, one of which Whiton, a Pres- 
byterian clergyman of that day, and a candid historian, thus 
records : " By far the most extensive religious attention known 
in the state occurred in 183 1. Unusual numbers resorted to 
the places of public instruction ; meetings of three or four days' 
continuance were holden in most of the towns, in which christian 
ministers of different denominations united in the religious ser- 
vices with great harmony ; and the salutary truths of the Bible 
were deeply impressed on a multitude of minds. The accessions 
to the churches were numerous : the moral aspects of society 
were in many places essentially improved ; and a new impulse 
was given to the cause of Christian benevolence." x 

Now, all the while, the physician and the surgeon were upon 
their professional rounds for the relief of diseased or disabled 
humanity. The accurate diagnosis, the fit prescription, the deft 
handling of splint and scalpel, were not unknown in those days. 
The standard of professional merit was high, and kept so by an 
excellent medical college and a vigilant, efficient state society 
. with county branches. One hundred, at least, of the medical 
practitioners were fellows of this society, and a large majority of 
them held diplomas as doctors of medicine. Successful profes- 
sional achievement was the natural average result. The allo- 
pathic school of medicine had the field to itself; for the botanic, 
homoeopathic, and eclectic systems had not yet appeared in 
strenuous contention. 

1 Whiton's New Hampshire, p. 2co. 


The medical practice of the period, though duly skilful, was 
mostly of that every day character to which publicity does not 
much attach, nor of which general history can take special note. 
No epidemic or pestilence smote the people, to render histori- 
cally famous the names of physicians who might cope with it by 
successful methods. Narrowly, however, was so undesirable a 
test of medical ability escaped in 1832, when the cholera 
threatened New Hampshire from almost all points of the com- 
pass, and close at hand, but set not its dire foot upon her soil. 
However, the originality and nerve of Reuben Dimond Mussey, 
a native of the state and a professor in its medical college, ena- 
bled him to do honor to the profession and win fame for him- 
self, by finding out new devices and operations in practical sur- 
gery. He bearded Sir Astley Cooper, by practically proving 
that "intra-capsular fractures could be united," x — an operation 
which that eminent British authority had pronounced impos- 
sible ; and he "was the first person to tie both carotid arteries." * 
He was also the first, in a case of osteoid cancer, to remove 
successfully " the entire shoulder-blade and collar-bone." * 

In the ranks of the medical profession were found, as always 
have been, men fit to be summoned to important official posi- 
tions in civil life. Notable among these were Joseph Ham- 
mons, Robert Burns, and James Farrington, who had seats in 
congress in course of the decade. In 1838, death summoned 
from the same ranks Josiah Bartlett, of Stratham, ripe in years 
and crowned with honors, civic and professional. He bore the 
name of his father, who signed the Declaration of Independ- 
ence, was the first governor of New Hampshire under the 
amended constitution of 1792, and moreover, an eminent physi- 
cian, who did much to promote the elevation of the medical 
profession in his state. 

But the lawyer, the minister, the doctor, — each, ten chances 
to one, could and did remember gratefully the school-house of 
his elementary training. Such remembrance could and did 
inspire men and women of whatever calling or duty in life with 
the purpose to afford children and youth advantages like those 
which had been theirs. Hence, education was cherished. 

1 Appleton's Cyclopedia of Biography, Vol. 4, p. 471. 



Hence, more than two thousand district schools were supported 
at the public expense. Hence, too, those elementary advan- 
tages were, through private contribution, supplemented by the 
instruction of seventy academic institutions, and crowned by 
that of Dartmouth college. 

In the district schools of that day there was much of excel- 
lent instruction and wise management. There were men and 
women who knew how " to keep school " ; how to make the most 
of a difficult position ; how to awaken the dormant powers of 
thought and lead them forth into the light ; how to inspire by 
character, as well as precept, an earnest, reverent desire for 
knowledge and for right and noble living. Improved and 
improving text-books contributed to the aggregate of accom- 
plished good, as did also the more enlightened views of man- 
agement, which, without sacrificing order, made discipline smack 
less of birch and more of conscience. 

In the academic institutions and the college were eminent 
teachers who made of instruction a life-work — a profession. 
Such were Benjamin Abbott, rounding out, in 1838, his fifty 
years' service at Phillips Exeter ; Cyrus Smith Richards, clas- 
sicist, and Alphonso Wood, botanist, at Meriden ; Charles Guil- 
ford Burnham, mathematician, at Pembroke ; Dyer H. Sanborn, 
text-book author, at Sanbornton and elsewhere ; Catherine 
Fiske, philanthropist, in her Ladies' Seminary, at Keene — one 
of the oldest institutions of the kind in the country ; Edwin 
David Sanborn, Latinist and orator, Ira Young, astronomer, and 
Alpheus Crosby, Grecian, at Dartmouth college. And lastly, 
but outside of academy or college, diligently wrought Dudley 
Leavitt, " Teacher of Mathematics and Astronomy," according 
to the inscription upon the title-page of his " Farmer's 
Almanack," famous among hand-books. 

Now, while the educational system of 1827 was accomplish- 
ing much good, progressive minds came to think that such addi- 
tion should be made to it as would tend better to unify efforts 
in the cause, awaken, and keep awake, a due popular interest, as 
well as to collect such statistical and other information as 
would indicate desirable improvements. With this view, an 
attempt was made in the legislature of 1838 to establish a state 


board of education ; but the bill was postponed to the next ses- 
sion — a session that never came for that measure, or any one 
like it, during the decade. In fact, Horace Mann's "tingle of 
reform," which was to pervade New England some time hence, 
had not yet fairly set in anywhere. 

Newspapers, — those potent educators, — existed in creditable 
numbers, and creditably met their obligation to enlighten the 
public mind. In 1835, there were one hundred and thirty 1 
printers in New Hampshire and one of these was a State officer, 
annually elected by the legislature. Twenty-two newspapers 
were published weekly, and sent out over the state, through three 
hundred post-offices or other channels of transmission ; bringing 
to thousands of homes their welcome contents of varied intelli- 
gence and editorial lucubration. Four of these have been 
already named, as the organs of religious denominations; the 
remaining eighteen were attached, more or less closely, to the 
one or the other of the two political parties of that day — 
save the Herald of Freedom, which supported the anti-slavery 
cause. Among those classed as political, there were issued, — 
the Patriot and the Statesman, at Concord ; the Gazette and the 
Journal, at Portsmouth ; the Gazette and the E?iquirer, at 
Dover ; the Gazette and the lelegraph, at Nashua ; the Sentinel, 
at Keene ; the Eagle, at Claremont ; the Argus, at Newport ; 
the Republican, at Haverhill; the Cabinet, at Amherst; and the 
News-Letter, at Exeter. Of these, the New Ha?)ipshire Patriot 
led in circulation and influence ; still retaining much of the 
prestige won for it, during the two preceding decades, by the 
remarkable ability of Isaac Hill. Such representative names as 
Cyrus Barton, John Prentiss, Edmund Burke, John Kelly, and 
Nathaniel Peabody Rogers, suggest a high average of capacity 
in the journalistic corps, and an editorial power competent to 
treat effectively pro and con, the important questions which 
occupied the public thought in that day and generation. 

Those were the days when all " free, able bodied, white male 
citizens, between the ages of eighteen and forty-five " were 
embodied in the Militia, and liable with some exceptions, to do 
military duty. ^ 

1 N. H. Register, 1836. 


The exceptions included " officers and students of colleges, pre- 
ceptors of academies, ministers of the gospel," and conditional 
exempts, or persons between forty and forty-five, "exhibiting 
their arms, et cetera, for inspection in May" of each year. The 
militia comprised an average force of nearly thirty thousand 
men, " armed and equipped "-—save in special branches of the 
service, — with guns, spare flints, cartridge-boxes, canteens, pri- 
ming wires, and brushes. This force was distributed into com- 
panies of infantry not in uniform and light-infantry uniformed, 
and those of cavalry, artillery, and riflemen provided with ap- 
propriate arms and equipment. These companies were com- 
pacted into thirty or forty regiments ; the regiments, into five 
brigades ; the brigades, into three divisions. Each division had 
its major-general; each brigade, its brigadier; each regiment, 
its colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, and adjutant ; each com- 
pany, its captain, lieutenant, and ensign. Of course the gov- 
ernor was commander-in-chief. He appointed the adjutant- 
general, who was removable only by legislative address ; but 
the commissary-general was elected annually by the legislature. 
The office of quartermaster-general was sometimes held sepa- 
rately, and sometimes its duties were performed by the adjutant- 

The law required an annual company training in May, and a 
regimental muster in September or October. These were oc- 
casions of considerable interest — especially the latter. Muster- 
day was one not only of exciting activity for officers and soldiers, 
in regiment assembled for parade, drill, evolution, inspection, 
and review, but of holiday enjoyment for a multitude of spec- 
tators, drawn from the region round to the muster field, by mili- 
tary operations within the sentry-line, and miscellaneous attrac- 
tions without. 

But the military spirit was declining through the ten years ; 
though it was somewhat enlivened, here and there, by inde- 
pendent and uniformed companies of excellent drill and disci- 
pline. The sentiment, "The militia is the sure and safe defense 
of the State," could not be deeply appreciated by an infantry 
company, clad in the varied, sometimes dilapidated, garb of 
every day, provided with time-worn, weather-beaten equipments, 


and bungling flint-locks, and nicknamed " String-beans " or 
* Slam-bang." Nor could the appeal, "In peace, prepare for 
war," be expected to stir profoundly the universal heart in that 
"piping time of peace," with only a "speck" of Indian Stream 1 
war, of which Colonel Ira Young, of the twenty-fourth regiment, 
with Captain James Mooney's detachment of forty-two privates, 
and under the wise direction of Adjutant-General Joseph Low and 
Governor William Badger, could and did take care. Hence, in 
view of existing conditions, it is not strange that military ardor 
burned low. 

The retrospective glance now finds Agriculture in its range. 
It was the leading pursuit, having between three and four 
times as many persons engaged in it as in all others — embrac- 
ing trades, manufactures, commerce, and the professions. 
These were the farmers — "the yeomanry of the state," as Gov- 
ernor Hill called them. Their farms, of sizes proportioned to 
the means of the proprietors, and variously allotted to tillage, 
pasturage, and woodland, lay upon the hill-tops, along the 
slopes, or on the narrow levels of the rivers. There stood the 
homestead houses, substantial in material, — wood or, rarely, 
brick, — moderate in dimension, unpretentious in architecture, 
unadorned in finish, — even with outside painting sometimes left 
to the weather brush of time, — modest in inside furnishment — 
briefly, in all respects consulting beauty less than utility. 
There stood the barns of strong and simple structure, duly 
parted into space for fodder storage, and into stable, stall, and 
cote, and taken, by their relative length and tidiness, to indicate 
the relative worth of premises, as well as the thrift of their pos- 
sessors. These main farm-buildings, and others appurtenant, 
with convenient appendages, inclusive of the tall well-sweeps, 
which, with simple leverage, brought up the dripping buckets 
of pure, cold water, often stood among the pleasant apple-trees, 
which, though mostly ungrafted, and sweeter in May blossom- 
ing than in October ripening, produced a fruitage sometimes 
toothsome, generally of various culinary use, and always yield- 

1 Judge Aldrich's recent exhaustive paper on the Indian Stream Controversy, pub- 
lished in the Society's Proceedings, renders unnecessary anything but allusion to^the 
subject in this address. 


ing abundant cider, then not made for vinegar alone. As these 
hasty glances fall mainly upon the farmers of average means 
and opportunities, mere allusion is here made to the fact, that, 
within or near populous centres, and sometimes elsewhere, more 
ambitious and elaborate homestead establishments existed, as 
allowable to their possessors, from more abundant means and 
superior advantages, inherited or self-acquired. 

Upon the open acres of each homestead farm, the possessor 
applied the stress of labor. He found work, however, in the 
woodland, for the fireplaces were still open, and voracious of 
fuel ; though the stove was coming in to serve economy at the 
expense of chimney-corner sentiment and associations. Some- 
times, too, lumbering gave variety to his occupation, or the 
clearing of a bit of forest, with ax and fire, to enlarge his open 
lands. His cattle, sheep, and family horse grazed the pastures ; 
the patient oxen, to help him at cart or plow ■ the healthy cows, 
— "gone after," at the day's decline, by barefoot boys or girls, 
and gathered at the barn, — to fill the brimming milk pails ; the 
harmless sheep, to put on the thick, soft coats, of which each 
year their master's shears should fleece them ; the steady horse, 
but not often of "blood," or "struck with speed," to give safe 
lift in work or ride. 

Tillage was the farmer's chief dependence ; and that, prac- 
tised upon the reluctant granitic soil of New Hampshire, ex- 
acted hard toil ; and not only hard but tedious ; since, though 
the period was an inventive one, yet new devices to relieve and 
expedite agricultural labors were not much in vogue among our 
granite hills. These labors fell largely upon the tilling and 
harvesting of the staple cereals together with the potato, and 
upon securing the hay crop, the most profitable of all, but 
which, appropriating the advantages of former tillage, could 
mature under favoring suns and rains, without the husbandman's 
nurturing care. Occasionally, however, a field of azure-blossom- 
ing flax was seen, but serving for little more than a reminder 
that the day of "tow and linen " had virtually departed, vanish- 
ing before that of cotton. Here and there, the hop-vine clam- 
bered the straight-rowed poles, and shook out its ringlets of 
aromatic catkins to the September sun. 


But a conservative selection of objects of culture, according to 
conditions of soil and climate, and other circumstances, was then, 
— as it must always be, — a requisite to success. Hence, when in 
the latter half of the decade, somewhat earnest attempts were 
made to enlarge the cultivation of the beet, with an eye to the 
manufacture of sugar, and beet sugar companies were accord- 
ingly incorporated in several counties, — the efforts to extend 
agricultural production in that direction came to little. Then, 
too, the cultivation of the mulberry tree, to secure its ultimate 
product, silk, was seriously essayed. Silk farms and silk com- 
panies existed ; mulberry trees, silkworms, and cocoons, were 
much in people's thoughts, and some sporadic success flattered 
expectation. In 1835, the Stark sisters, granddaughters of the 
hero of Bennington, had, on their estate in Dunbarton, a mul- 
berry orchard of twenty-five acres, and presented, at the fair of 
the American Institute held in New York, specimens of silk of 
their own manufacture, of excellent quality and in six colors, 
and were awarded the medal of highest honor. The next year, 
an enterprising lady 1 of Hopkinton, wearing a dress of silk, pre- 
sented at the Merrimack County Agricultural Fair, a silk web of 
eleven yards ; both web and dress having been spun and woven 
by her own hands, from the attenuated fibres of twenty thousand 
cocoons, wrought by as many silkworms from the foliage of 
mulberry trees of her own culture. But distrust of the adapta- 
tion of soil and climate to the growth of the mulberry, and the 
lack of competent labor in the delicate manufacture, — espe- 
cially, in competition with the attractive wages in the woolen 
and cotton mills, — were among the causes that operated to give 
silk culture its quietus in New Hampshire. 

Obedient to his lot, the farmer, daily and throughout the 
year, went forth to his labors in the field. There he held the 
plow, and sowed the wheat with steady stride and not ungrace- 
ful swing of brawny arm. There he planted the corn, and nur- 
tured it by thrice hoeing. There he made hay and gathered it ; 
mowing with deft sweep of scythe the luxuriant grasses, comb- 
ing with hand rake each inch of the shorn hayfield, and with 

1 Mrs. Betty Kimball. ^ 


heavy pitchfork piling the made hay in " jag," and thence stor- 
ing it in loft, or mow, or bay. There with sickle, he bent to the 
reaping of the white harvest of grain, later to be beaten out 
with twirling flail upon the threshing-floor, and gathered into 
his garner. 

But the farmer — the husband and father — thus going out to 
his work, left within that home the faithful wife and mother, 
evenly and capably bearing with him the yoke of toil. Her 
care was over the children — in goodly number, not unlikely. 
She washed, on Monday, standing over the steaming tub, 
scrubbing, wringing, and using the soap made by herself from 
greasy savings " eaten up " by lye that " bore up an egg. y ' She 
ironed and starched. On Saturday, or oftener, she baked the 
wheaten loaves in the big oven, specially heated with choice 
fuel. Every day, she cooked over the kitchen fire, boiling, 
broiling, frying: three times, she set and "cleared off" the 
wholesomely laden table, and once, at least, swept the fre- 
quented rooms, with broom sometimes extemporized from 
boughs of hemlock. At times she sewed, either in making new 
garments, or mending old, and more frequently she darned. 
Then, again, she spun, at the great wheel, the "rolls" of mill- 
carded wool, making the woof of a web that she would anon 
weave upon the heavy loom, with strong arms, and with fingers 
adroit at the shuttle. Then, too, at busy leisure, she knit the 
family hose, even into the night, — with or without the can- 
dle she herself had " dipped." Now she patiently churned, and 
cunningly manipulated the butter, to which the buttercups gave 
their color, and the rich grasses of stony pastures, their sweet- 
ness ; and, moreover, by many a skilful operation, she trans- 
formed the curdling milk into delicious cheese that held the 
tint and virtue of the cream. 

Occasionally, — as may here be noted, — the farmer found an 
off day, and, passing with horse and wagon over the highway 
along which lay his homestead, — a highway once, perhaps, a 
turnpike with its tolls,— carried to mill his grist of corn and 
grain, and returned home with meal and flour. Or, oftener, his 
load consisted of farm products to be bartered for articles of 
family use, at the country or village store — a frequent establish- 


merit, and stocked by the wide-awake tradesman with more or 
less u of everything " from the " hogshead " of molasses to the 
sugar drop flavored with peppermint, or the lucifer match, just 
coming into use. Sometimes, however, "going to the store" 
was made unnecessary ; for the peddler came with his jolting 
"cart" of miscellaneous freight, and stood before the door. 
Then the thrifty housewife could exchange for tin dipper, pail, 
or milk-pan, the contents of her "rag-bag" — contents, which, 
having supplied a present need, might yet come back to her 
from paper-mill and printing-office in the sheet of her favorite 

Now, though the tasks of the farmer and his wife were, in 
the main, exacting and toilsome, yet there was recompense in 
the independent competence thus secured. That competence 
was for the farmer an abiding security against "revulsion and 
revolution in property," * sometimes fatally affecting the " other 
great interests — manufactures, commerce, and trade." 2 This 
was verified in the great financial crisis of 1837 — tnat sequence, 
rather than result, of the Jacksonian policy of national finance. 
Over-extension of credit, headlong speculation in Eastern and 
Western lands, and other reckless ventures brought widespread 
disaster and bankruptcy, involving the downfall of many 
banks, and the suspension of specie payment by those still 
standing solvent, with the consequent hardship of money 
scarcity. But in all that storm of ruin, it is in evidence, that 
"there was less distress in the farming towns of New Hamp- 
shire than almost anywhere else throughout the country. The 
farmers were out of debt, and had some spare means laid by;" 
were, in fact, " substantially prosperous and thriving." 

The farmer's gains, slow but sure, helped to quadruple the 
savings banks in ten years. They helped to support schools 
and academies, where his children were brought into the light 
of that knowledge which directs and exalts life. They helped 
to support that college, too, where the sons of the household 
might receive the more liberal training suited to their tastes 
and aspirations. They helped to build churches and maintain 

1 Governor Hill's Message, 1S37. 
» Ibid. 


in them such ministrations as seemed most promotive of true 
religious thought and action. In fine, they helped to forward 
any effort for the good of individual or society that heart and 
reason concurred in pronouncing worthy. 

The farmer found other compensations. The newspaper was 
a light in his household ; as were also books — few, to be sure, 
but better read than if they had been more. Though he could 
not be a " traveled man," journeying afar to see the world, yet, 
from the gradual condensation of population and intelligent 
enterprise at frequent centres, he found himself in those wider 
and more liberal relations which tended to elevate the view and 
broaden the horizon of his life. His pursuit was no bar to the 
official position to which his general capacity and the confi- 
dence of his fellow-citizens might invite him ; a fact attested by 
the mention of such names as William Badger and John Page, 
governors; Thomas Chandler, John W. Weeks, Joseph M. 
Harper, Benning M. Bean, and Tristram Shaw — members of 

In fact, agriculture was steadily rising in estimation, and the 
most intelligent minds, of whatever calling, devoted thought to 
its improvement. To this end, Isaac Hill, after years of dis- 
tinguished service as a political editor, United States senator, 
and governor of the state, issued the Farmers' Monthly Vis- 
itor — a welcome visitant indeed in many a farmer's home. 
A geological survey of the state was authorized largely in the 
interest of the farmers, and agricultural societies strove to 
encourage and stimulate the best agricultural effort. The 
farmers of New Hampshire, at that period, were, indeed, in a 
situation to appreciate the discernment of Andrew Jackson, 
and could largely appropriate his praise, when he remarked, on 
his Visit in 1833, tnat "The people of the state ought to esteem 
it a blessing that their soil and climate are such as to make 
industry necessary, as it gives vigor to the physical constitution, 
activity to the mind, and contributes not only to the correct 
morals everywhere prevalent, but to the cherishing of that 
spirit of liberty so common in this part of the country." 

From her earliest civilized occupation, her waterfalls-had pre- 
dicted for New Hampshire manufacturing pre-eminence. Her 



rapid streams, dashing from the mountain to the sea, while find- 
ing disport with the ancient saw- and grist-mills, and other 
simple works, reserved their strength for the modern factory. 
Modern manufacturing enterprise, in some of its manifold 
operations, including the woolen and cotton industries, had, by 
1830, taken some advantage of the power offered by the main 
rivers and their tributaries ; as at Dover, Great Falls, Exeter, 
Newmarket, Peterborough, Nashua, and Amoskeag. The Midas 
touch of development was beginning to be felt. During the 
ensuing ten years, manufacturing companies were incorpo- 
rated, — twenty-eight in the years 1835 and 1836 alone, — along 
the Merrimack, Piscataqua, and Connecticut, with their tributa- 
ries, the Contoocook, Nashua, Newfound, Winnipiseogee, Pemi- 
gewasset, Cochecho, Bellamy, Lamprey, Swamscott, Ashuelot, 
Sugar, Mascomy, and Ammonoosuc. 

In 18 10, Benjamin Prichard, who, seven years before, had set 
up the spinning-jenny at New Ipswich, — the first in New Hamp- 
shire, — removed to Amoskeag, a hamlet of Goffstown, and there 
resumed his work in a mill built by himself and three partners. 
This was contemporaneous with the establishment of cotton 
spinning at Peterborough, but antedated by more than ten years 
the similar operations in Dover and Somersworth, and by nearly 
the same time those of Nashua. At Amoskeag, too, in 1819, 
the power-loom was first put to use in New Hampshire. The 
Prichard partnership became a little joint stock company, of a 
hundred shares, and was the origin of the great Amoskeag 
Manufacturing Company. 

The pioneer organization, under the name of " The Amoskeag 
Cotton and Wool Factory Company," did not thrive, and in 
1825 a large share of the property came into the hands of 
Oliver Dean and other Boston gentlemen, of "abundant means 
and great experience." Soon the light of prosperity shone upon 
the enterprise ; Amoskeag became a flourishing village, and the 
sheetings, shirtings, and tickings of its mill became famous in 
the markets. The hydraulic capacity of the " mighty falls of 
'Skeag " becoming more adequately appreciated, Boston capital 
was forthcoming to promote -'manufacturing there upon an 
extended scale." Receiving a charter in 1831, " The Amoskeag 


Manufacturing Company" devised a wise and comprehensive 
plan of operations. This was : — To erect mills, and run them 
on its own account ; to furnish other companies with sites for 
their mills and boarding-houses, and with propelling power; "to 
put its lands into market in lots for houses, shops, and stores, 
and thus build up a manufacturing town," to the great enhance- 
ment of the value of its own property. The east bank of the 
Merrimack was decided to be more feasible than the west for 
the contemplated purposes, and so the most of the lands upon 
that side, which in " any contingency might be necessary," were 

To prevent troublesome competition, negotiation succeeded in 
merging with the Amoskeag stock the seventy-two shares of the 
Hooksett company; in securing a controlling interest in the 
locks and canals at Manchester and Hooksett; and finally, the 
merger, by the Concord Manufacturing Company at Garvin's 
Falls, of its stock of $100,000 at $100 a share. The long 
power canal was excavated, and other preparations were made. 
In 1838, the "Amoskeag" erected for a new company that year 
incorporated under the name of " The Stark Mills," a mill of 
8,000 spindles, with six blocks of boarding-houses for the use of 
operatives. The next year the " Stark " went into operation, 
being the first to do so in Manchester proper, on the east bank 
of the river. And so, at the greatest fall of the Merrimack, had 
arisen the powerful rival of the prosperous Lowell, at the river's 
great eastward bend. 

Meantime, the site of a town was regularly laid out with lines 
of streets, and reserved public squares. In October, 1838, 
occurred the Amoskeag Company's first public land sale. One 
hundred and forty-seven lots were sold, and building com- 
menced in earnest. In January, 1839, was erected — and by a 
woman 1 — the first house "built upon private account upon lands 
sold" by the ''Amoskeag" within the limits of Manchester 
proper. Hereto attaches the history of a marvelous growth 
which belongs not here. 

Though from the beginning to the end of our decade, the 
subject of Railroad Construction had more or less prominently 

iMrs. Anna Hayes of Londonderry. 



engaged public attention in our state, yet the year 1839 went 
out with but six miles of finished iron road on New Hampshire 
soil. For a quarter of a century, the Middlesex canal, twenty- 
seven miles long and four feet deep, had connected Charles 
river at Boston, with the Merrimack above Lowell, thus opening 
to the capital of New Hampshire a continuous water route of 
eighty miles, through a series of dams, locks, and shorter canals, 
to overcome the rapids and falls of the river. The most diffi- 
cult of these works was the canal at Amoskeag, constructed 
through the untiring, nay, heroic efforts of Samuel Blodgett, 
after he had reached his threescore years and ten. For a long 
time, this line of canals in the ownership or control of the 
"Middlesex," was the principal channel of heavy transporta- 
tion between Boston and Concord ; not, however, effectually 
competing in passenger carriage with the stages on the turn- 
pikes and other roads. But at last the time came when the 
waterway of the " Middlesex " was suspended by the steam way 
laid out beside it. The proprietors of the canal might strenu- 
ously oppose, and remonstrate, as they did, declaring that 
"railways would never be the thing in a country so young as 
this," yet in 1830 the Boston & Lowell railroad received its 
charter, and in 1835 was opened for use. 

Though there had been not a little conservative incredulity 
and opposition in New Hampshire, which found expression in 
meetings and newspapers, even to the extent of urging the sug- 
gestion, " Let it be demonstrated that railroads are adapted to 
this frosty climate," yet the legislature in 1835, incorporated two 
railroads — the Nashua Sz Lowell and the Concord; and the 
next year, two more — the Eastern and the Boston & Maine. 
On the 8th of October, 183S, the Nashua & Lowell railroad was 
opened for use from Lowell to a temporary station, less than a 
mile from the village of Nashua ; and, on completion of the 
bridge over the Nashua river, and a permanent depot, the cars, 
on the 23d of December, commenced running to the village 

The talented Charles J. Fox, treasurer of the corporation, in 
his report for 1839, doubtless voiced the sentiments and expec- 
tations of all intelligent and progressive minds in the state, in 


saying : " When we consider how much trade and travel have 
always been increased by increased facilities of communication, 
and that railroads are destined to be the great thoroughfares of 
our country, binding the East and the West, the North and the 
South, in stronger bonds of mutual interest, confidence, and 
kindness, we cannot doubt of the public and private advan- 
tages of these enterprises, nor of their success. The mines now 
unworked, the waterfalls unemployed, the farms untilled, the 
timber unused, the quarries unopened, — all that constitutes the 
material out of which enterprise creates wealth, and prosperity, 
improvement, — will be brought by these means into requisition, 
furnishing employment for thousands and food for tens of 
thousands. These improvements must and will go forward, 
developing the hidden resources of the state, furnishing mar- 
kets for all kinds of produce, and making the interior an 
extended suburb of the city. . . . This is the first railroad 
in New Hampshire. Its opening will form an epoch in the his- 
tory of our internal improvements, and its success, encourage 
further effort to increase and extend the facilities of communi- 
cation between different sections of the state." 

Of the fifteen miles of this " first " railroad, only six, as 
already mentioned, were within the limits of New Hampshire. 
In the first year, however, of the next decade, this number was 
to be swelled to fifty-three, by the opening of the Boston & Maine 
to Exeter, and the Eastern to Portsmouth ; and the completion, 
in 1842, of the line from Nashua to Concord was to give the 
state eighty-eight miles. 

While the railroad corporations were proceeding to act under 
their charters, the legislature, in the June session of 1836, made 
provision that damages for lands taken by them, might, upon 
petition of the aggrieved owner, be assessed by three commis- 
sioners in each county, appointed by the governor and council, 
the report of whom, returned to the court of common pleas and 
accepted, should be final. The law was attacked as arbitrary 
and unconstitutional; arbitrary, because the government under- 
took to provide a way for a private corporation to take property 
without the owner's consent ; unconstitutional, because the 
owner might be excluded from the right of trial by jury. Gov. 


Hill, in his message at the June session of 1836, presented the 
following liberal view of the question : "There are persons who 
are distrustful of railroads and other corporations for carrying 
forward public improvements, considering them to be monopolies. 
Guarded, as I hope all the charters of railroad corporations have 
been and may be, by a vigilant legislature, I cannot believe there 
is danger of monopoly or oppression from those corporations. 
The worst case of hardship to me seems to be that of cutting 
through the land of the owner without his consent, and awarding 
him not in all cases such damage as he asks, but such as dis- 
interested persons shall assess. Hard as the case may be, this 
is a principle which has been in force from time immemorial, in 
laying out and constructing all turnpike roads and other public 
avenues, and it is one that the public good imperiously requires. 
It is the yielding of an individual right to secure an indispensable 
public accommodation ; and the consideration which the indi- 
vidual receives for the sacrifice is to be found in that protection 
which government extends for his benefit." 

At that session a new law was substituted, and the corpora- 
tion or landowners were authorized to petition the court of 
common pleas for a committee to assess damages, with appeal 
to a jury. Thus the matter rested, but was not finally settled 
till the next decade, for there had been and continued to be a 
prejudice against railroad corporations ; and many still believed 
that a railroad corporation was a private one, and could not be 
authorized to take land save upon the owner's terms. Conse- 
quently, in 1842, it was explicitly declared in section 1, chapter 
142, of the Revised Statutes: "No railroad corporation shall 
take any land for the use of such corporation without the con- 
sent of the owner thereof." 

But the railroad had come ; it must have way. It could be 
barred by no statute. The dominant political party had its 
" Conservatives " and " Radicals." The former, — as well as the 
united Whig party, — were/or recognizing the " public " character 
of these new thoroughfares, the latter, against. The fight went 
on with increasing intensity, till, in December, 1844, the legisla- 
ture met the issue, — or got around it, — in the passage of "an 
act to render railroad corporations 'public' in certain cases, 


and constituting a board of railroad commissioners," with com- 
petent authority in the premises. 

Jealousy of corporate power, and of the undue extension of 
the doctrine of "vested rights," led, in 1835, to inserting in 
every act of incorporation, a section authorizing the legisla- 
ture "to alter, amend, modify, or repeal the same at pleasure." 
The insertion of such a condition became a party question. The 
Democrats claimed that they consented to the creation of cor- 
porations from motives of public good, and insisted that the 
power which made them could afterwards control them, or even 
uncreate or repeal them. They charged the Whigs with not 
only approving of their creation, but with insisting upon their 
entire independence of the creating power, and thus supporting 
corporations or monopolies, in opposition to the power of the 
government or the rights of the people. 1 

In 1837, stringent and wordy resolutions on this subject 
were introduced in the house by Mr. Samuel Swazey, of 
Haverhill. They declared it " to be lawful and competent for 
the legislature to alter, amend, or abrogate any act of incor- 
poration heretofore granted, or which might hereafter be 
granted, or which was, or might be, found to exist within 
the territorial jurisdiction of the state, whenever, in the opin- 
ion of the legislature, the public good might require such 
alteration, amendment, or abrogation, — any law, usage, or cus- 
tom to the contrary notwithstanding : provided that in case of 
the abrogation of any act of incorporation hitherto granted, 
not containing a declaration of the right of such abrogation, if 
the personal rights of individuals were injuriously affected, the 
legislature should make such provision, upon due information 
thereof, for compensating such individuals for said injuries, as 
justice and equity might demand." 

The resolutions, having been earnestly supported in debate 
by the mover, and Mr. Thomas P. Treadwell, of Portsmouth, 
and Mr. Josiah Quincy, of Rumney, and as earnestly opposed 
by Mr. Ira Perley, of Concord, Mr. Thomas M. Edwards, of 
Keene, and Mr. Henry A. Bellows, of Littleton, were passed by 
a heavy majority, and the senate concurred. It was argued by 

1 Democratic address, published in N. H. Patriot, Oct. 10, 1S36. 



the opposition : That the practical tendency of such legisla- 
tion was to create the impression that the dominant party was 
so hostile to corporations, that it was unsafe, from fear of inimi- 
cal legislation, to invest in enterprises calculated to develop the 
resources and improve the advantages with which New Hamp- 
shire was endowed by nature. It was a profitless, not to say 
dangerous, obtrusion of abstract theories which was not likely 
to find opportunity for verification. It was a species of bug- 
bear legislation. In itself, the theory might be true, but the 
expediency of harping upon it was much to be doubted. The 
insisting too strenuously upon the principle that the legislature 
was only for one year, and that its acts might be abrogated at 
pleasure by a subsequent one, tended to render capital some- 
what ticklish as to investment under corporate combination. 

In the June session of 1836, the "soulless corporations," — 
using the favorite appellation of certain opponents, — received 
another legislative nudge in a bill introduced by Mr. Treadwell, 
of Portsmouth, and intended to subject the private property of 
stockholders to the payment of the debts of the corporation. 
It received reference to the judiciary committee, but no further 
action was taken during that session. A bill to incorporate the 
Sullivan County bank, at Claremont, passed the house, but not 
the senate, containing a clause, moved by Mr. Zenas Clement, 
of that town, making the private property of the stockholders 
liable, to the amount of their stock, for the debts of the corpora- 
tion in case the corporate property should be insufficient for 
their payment. At the second, or fall session, the judiciary com- 
mittee, by Mr. Jared W. Williams, of Lancaster, reported a reso- 
lution indefinitely postponing the bill of the previous session, — 
or one similar, — and the recommendation was adopted by yeas, 
106, to nays, 105. 

When the senate would insist upon personal liability amend- 
ments to sundry acts incorporating manufacturing companies, 
the house refused concurrence, and the bills were lost. Even 
in the case of the "Turkey River Manufacturing Company," 
though the proposed grantees were willing to accept a charter 
with personal liability, the house would not concur in imposing 
that condition, being unwilling to yield the principle for which 


it had been contending through the session. In the earnest 
debate, "Mr. Treadwell, of Portsmouth, and Mr. John L. Hadley, 
of Weare, favored the amendment proposed by the senate, 
while Mr. Joel Eastman, of Conway, Mr. Edwards, of Keene, 
Mr. Josiah Stevens, of Newport, and Mr. John J. Gilchrist, of 
Charlestown, — the first two Whigs and the last two Democrats, — 
opposed it, and expressed the views of the majoritv. 

During the next three years the principle, denounced by its 
opponents as " suicidal to the interests of the state," made no 
headway in legislation. Whigs were solidly opposed to it; 
Democrats were divided in opinion. And so this question of 
making the individual liability of stockholders in corporations 
commensurate with that of partners in partnerships, went over 
unsettled into the next decade, and would not down for years 
in the politics of the state. In 1842, the principle was fully 
embodied in statute enactment; but in 1846 that enactment was 
repealed, and the liability of stockholders reasonably limited in 
a law which the experience of half a century has found satis- 
factorily promotive of public security, and of the faithful fulfil- 
ment of corporate trusts. 

National affairs, during the period under review, were of stir- 
ring moment, for Andrew Jackson was President during the first 
six years, and his positive, aggressive, unbending policy sanc- 
tioned his sobriquet, " Old Hickory," and made significant his 
oath, " By the Great Eternal." State parties bore names from 
national relations, — Democratic Republicans or Democrats, 
National Republicans, or after 1834, Whigs. 

Jackson's strong and original administration had enemies, — 
the Whigs ; it also had friends, — the Democrats. Of friends, 
none were stronger, steadier, or more enthusiastic than those of 
New Hampshire. "Hurrah! for Jackson" meant nowhere 
else so much genuine devotion, — hero-worship, indeed, — as 
when ringing among the Granite hills. Two gifted sons of New 
Hampshire were in the inner circle of his intimate advisers, — 
Levi Woodbury and Isaac Hill. He tested the popular confi- 
dence and admiration in his visit to the capital of our state in 
1833, — a visit that found a welcome only equaled in enthusiasm 
by that accorded to Lafayette in 1825. 



Throughout the decade, his supporters and those of Van 
Buren, his successor, carried by heavy majorities all branches of 
the state government and the entire congressional delegations. 
Every annual election was a testimonial of confidence in the 
national administration, with the Democratic gubernatorial 
standard-bearers, Harvey, Dinsmoor, Badger, Hill, and Page, 
against the National Republican or Whig antagonists, Upham, 
Bartlett, Healey, and Wilson, — or no combined opposition, as 
in 1833, 1834, 1836, and 1837. 

In all Jackson's proceedings to divorce the government from 
banking : his veto of the bill to re-charter the United States 
bank; the death-blow, aimed on his "own responsibility" at 
that powerful institution, in removing the government deposits 
to the state banks ; the treasury circular, trying to stem with 
gold the ruinous flood of paper money; in all the consequent 
fearful assaults of foes in congress and out, New Hampshire 
stood by her favorite President. 

When, on the 10th of December, 1832, he issued that procla- 
mation which was the death-warrant of anti-tariff nullification, a 
resolution approving of the President's course promptly and 
unanimously passed the New Hampshire legislature, only eleven 
days later. This was one of the few acts of Andrew Jackson 
that did not encounter partisan opposition in this state or else- 
where ; this struck the key of the Union, and vibrated in all 
hearts. James Wilson, Jr., of Keene, the eloquent opposition 
leader, voicing the sentiment of his party, said: "On the doc- 
trine of nullification there is but one sentiment in this section of 
the country. It should every where meet decided disapproba- 
tion. If argument can destroy it, it is destroyed. If argument 
cannot, force must." 

The President's "heroic" financial measures naturally pro- 
duced some financial disturbance, upon which much stress was 
laid by the U. S. Bank, and its friends, in their efforts to force 
a re-charter. "Distress petitions" poured in upon the Presi- 
dent and congress. Some of this " distress " was probably 
manufactured for political effect, and, at any rate, was not much 
felt in New Hampshire, whose farmers needed little bank 


Governor Badger, in his first message, in June, 1834, sug- 
gested to the legislature to express its views as to the struggle 
going on between the President aod the United States bank. 
Such expression was soon and very decidedly given in a series 
of resolutions, offered by Mr. Charles F. Gove of Goffstown, 
which, after an able discussion, were passed in the house by a 
vote of 163 to 62 ; and in the senate, unanimously and without 
debate. These resolutions not only approved of the President's 
course respecting the bank, but instructed the senators in con- 
gress to vote for expunging the record of the resolution passed 
by the U. S. senate on the 28th day of March, 1834, in the 
following terms : " That the president, in the late executive 
proceeding in relation to the public revenue, has assumed upon 
himself authority and power not conferred by the constitution 
and laws." On the 23d of June, Mr. Hill of New Hampshire 
presented the resolutions in the senate. But the bank majority 
in that body, claiming that such presentation was " irregular 
and unprecedented," summarily tabled them on motion of 
Mr. Webster of Massachusetts. The senate subsequently re- 
fused to take them from the table for the purpose of giving 
them the usual direction of reference, thus virtually refusing 
even to receive the resolutions of instruction of a sovereign 

In 1835 tne national public debt had been totally extinguished, 
and a surplus still remained in the national treasury. Congress 
in 1836 passed an act to deposit with the states all of that sur- 
plus found on hand, January 1, 1837, except $5,000,000; this 
deposit to be held till recalled by the general government. 
President Jackson, who was opposed to outright distribution, 
gave his assent to the deposit, though with misgiving and sub- 
sequent regret. The amount thus to be disposed of was $35- 
000,000, and, upon the prescribed ratio of representation in 
house and senate, New Hampshire's share was about $800,000. 

It remained for the state to decide whether or not it would 
accept the trust, and what should be done with it, if accepted. 
These questions came before the legislature at the November 
session of 1836, and engaged for seven weeks its earnest delib- 
eration and able discussion. Gov. Hill, in his message, favored 


the acceptance of the deposit, and wisely recommended that 
the state should invest it, and use the proceeds in paying state 
expenses, 1 to the relief of state taxation; or should loan a por- 
tion of it, on easy interest, for the promotion of enterprises of 
public value. A bill to accept met some opposition, led by Mr. 
Thomas P. Treadwell, of Portsmouth, but early passed the 
house by 204 yeas to 7 nays. 

The bill for the disposal of the accepted deposit was not so 
easily agreed upon. As it came from the select committee it 
had provided for the deposit of the money with such towns as 
might vote to receive it and pledge faith for the safe keeping 
and return of the same, on the basis of the new apportionment 
of public taxes, " to be made at the present session of the legis- 
lature." Mr. George W. Nesmith, of Franklin, proposed an 
amendment basing the distribution upon the number of ratable 
polls. Much debate ensued, in which tiie mover was supported 
by Mr. Joel Eastman, of Conway, and others, while Mr. Charles 
G. Atherton, of Nashville, and Mr. John J. Gilchrist, of Charles- 
town, were prominent in opposition. Finally, on the 30th of 
December, after reference to a special committee, the bill passed 
the house, with provision for a compound ratio of division, one 
half on the apportionment of public taxes, and one half on the 
ratable polls. The senate refused to concur; Mr. Nathaniel S. 
Berry, of Hebron, advocating a division on ratable polls, and 
Messrs. Noah Martin, of Dover, and John Woodbury, of Salem, 
one on valuation. The bill passed with the latter provision, 
and with another forbidding towns to distribute it among the 
polls; and, having gone to a committee of conference, it was 
reported on the 12th of January, 1837, by Mr. Ira A. Eastman, of 
Gilmanton, with a recommendation that the division be made, 
"one half on the apportionment, and the other half on the polls, 
as returned at the present session." The bill, as reported, passed 
both houses and received the signature of the governor, rather 
in deference to the judgment of the legislature than in obedi- 
ence to his own convictions, for he knew that a mistake had 
been made in depositing the money with the towns. The re- 
ception and disposal of the revenue had not been made a party 
issue, the Whigs and a large majority of the Democrats having 


given it support. But the latter did not let the occasion pass 
without expressing, in resolutions, their opposition to the pro- 
tective tariff alleged to be the cause of the overplus of revenue. 

Preparations were made to receive the "proffered boon," and 
the state treasurer, Zenas Clement, was required to furnish a 
bond of $200,000. During the year 1837 three instalments 
were received, each $223,028.93 — the third, or July payment, 
being payable in bank bills of the state. The October instal- 
ment was suspended by congress till January 1st, 1839, — m f act > 
was indefinitely postponed ; for it was wisely decided, in view of 
the condition of the treasury, that " money should not be bor- 
rowed by the government for the sake of making a deposit with 
the states." 

Portsmouth, for a little while, refused to have anything to do 
with her share, but relented in course of the year. Some of 
the towns permitted the state treasurer to lend their shares on 
their account. Others lent their shares to individuals or cor- 
porations. Thus various disposition of the principal was made ; 
while the interest was variously applied to ordinary town pur- 
poses, to constituting school funds, or in other ways. From the 
June session of 1837 to tnat m I ^4 I » tne constant tendency of 
legislation was to turn the deposit into absolute distribution. 
Finally, at the last date, the legislature authorized towns to 
make such disposition of the public money deposited with them 
as by a major vote they might determine. And so was finally 
settled the vexed question of the Surplus Revenue. The money 
found a various disposition, but never accomplished the good it 
might have, had it not been distributed, in the first instance, to 
the towns. 

Another notable measure was adopted at this session of 1836, 
which was indicative of the prevalent distrust of banks and 
their paper money. It took the form of a bill which, having 
been presented at the June session and reported by a special 
committee to this, prohibited the issuing of bank bills of the 
denomination of one dollar after July 1, 1837, and their circu- 
lation after January 1, 1838. It also forbade other bills of 
denomination less than three dollars to be issued after^July 1, 
1838, or circulated after the lapse of one year. A penalty of 


ten dollars was also provided for passing, after the first day of 
July, 1837, one dollar bills of banks out of the state. 

This measure was in line with the hard-money policy of the 
national administration. In December, 1835, Levi Woodbury, 
secretary of the treasury, declared the circulation of small bills 
to be " an evil to the community, which should be universally 
discountenanced," and this declaration was followed by action 
tending to prevent the issuance of paper money of denomina- 
tions less than five dollars. 

It was asserted in support of the measure, that there was 
" not one specie dollar in bank, for every ten paper dollars in 
circulation — the great mass of circulating medium " 1 being 
founded " on credit and not on capital ;" that " this credit " 
could answer "the purpose of substantial capital" only until it 
should " suit the interest or caprice of those " who managed 
banks "to make money scarce, as it had been plenty, or until 
overtrading on paper credit should have blown up the bubble to 
bursting;" that "if gold and silver could be substituted for 
paper, — or even if one half of the ordinary circulation could be 
in metal instead of paper, — it would be impossible for the man- 
agers of banks to control the currency, and make money plenty 
or scarce at pleasure;" and that, since of "two circulating 
mediums, the one of lesser value crowds out " the one of 
greater, "specie could not circulate" in connection "with 
paper of the same denomination." Hence, it was urged that 
" every practicable step should be taken to introduce specie ;" 
since, if the lower denominations of bank notes should be 
inhibited, metallic currency would come in to supply their 
place ;" and " with hard money once introduced, banking would 
assume a different shape, and trade and business would have 
substantial foundation." 

In opposition to this hard-money scheme, were earnestly 
urged, among other considerations, the danger and general 
inexpediency of such financial tampering, and the injustice 
done the banks and their investors. At the next session of 
the legislature, in June, 1837, petitions were presented, request- 
ing suspension or repeal ; but the petitioners had leave to 

a Gov. Hill's Message, 1836. 


withdraw by a majority, in the house, of nearly two to one. The 
measure was, however, destined to signal failure. The finan- 
cial crisis, impending when it was enacted, and bursting upon 
the country before any of its provisions became of force, and 
the isolation of the " new departure," in having the cooperation 
of no neighboring state, tended to frustrate the purpose of its 
authors. It increased financial stringency. Speculation sought 
profit by collecting specie and sending it out of the state, 
replacing it by the depreciated bills of other states. With the 
silver dollars disappeared also the half dollars and the quarters, 
the place of the fractional metal being taken by fractional paper 
from abroad. To "make change" became a difficult operation. 
Hence, necessity became stronger than statute, the law was 
generally disregarded, and, in 1838, was suspended for two 
years. Banks were required to redeem in specie any bills made 
and issued by them, of any denomination less than five dollars. 
This provision made money somewhat easier, as it rendered 
possible the obtaining of specie in small amounts when abso- 
lutely needed. In 1840, the Small Bill Law was suspended for 
two years more, and remained suspended " until dead ;" pre- 
senting a remarkable case of continuous "suspended anima- 
tion " from birth to death. 

It only remains to note, in connection, the reasonable enact- 
ment of 1837, prohibiting banks from having in circulation at 
any one time, bills to a greater amount than four fifths of their 
capital stock actually paid in ; and providing also for a board 
of bank commissioners, with large powers of examination and 
process. The first to serve upon that board were Jonathan 
Harvey, John Chadwick, and James Clarke. 

Early in the decade, the question of Slavery took hold of 
popular thought in New Hampshire, with a grasp destined to 
grow firmer and closer till " the great moral, social, and political 
evil " perished in the lurid years of the third decade beyond. 
Neither of the political parties took kindly to abolition agita- 
tion. Love for the Union, in itself so noble, tended to blind 
the heart of the North to the great fact that liberty was the 
only safe concomitant of union, and that, with the latter, sjavery 
could not permanently coexist. 


Hence, such words as these from the powerful pen of 
Nathaniel P. Rogers, put forth in 1835, in the columns of the 
Herald of Freedom, — already named as the anti-slavery, or abo- 
lition, newspaper organ in the state, — seemed almost sacrilegious 
to the average conservative mind of the period : " People are 
thinking for themselves. They begin to see, dear as the Union 
is to them [that] there are other things still dearer. They 
begin to see that the same God that commands them to pre- 
serve the Union commands them also ' to loose the bonds of 
wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, and let the oppressed 
go free.' They begin to see that the vulture which is preying 
upon the heart of this nation, which is battening on our re- 
ligion, and our civil and political institutions, is far more to 
be dreaded than the vague shadow of the lion which selfish 
fears have conjured up in the path of duty. They begin to see 
that whatever evils may attend emancipation, horrors three- 
fold wait upon the continuance of the accursed system of 
slavery. They love the Union as does every Abolitionist. 
They heartily desire its continuance ; but for the sake of it 
they would not compromise the sacred and inalienable rights of 
humanity, the everlasting and immutable demands of God. 
The question has not yet arrived, whether we will have slavery 
or disunion At present, we have only to go for- 
ward with Christian kindness and forbearance, and Christian for- 
titude, knowing that the cause of righteousness shall prevail, 
not through human strength, but through the power of the liv- 
ing God." 

The relative positions of the Abolitionists and their most 
decided opponents may be illustrated by offsetting the denun- 
ciatory words of Charles G. Atherton, an able Democratic 
leader, uttered before a convention in January, 1836. He said : 
"Every one who hears me will, I am confident, coincide in the 
sentiment that it is the duty of all who have the welfare of 
their country at heart, to discountenance and check on all occa- 
sions, and by every legal method in their power, all measures 
the design of which, or the direct tendency of which, is to pro- 
duce a dissolution of the Union. There have arisen amongms 

a few wicked or misguided men, whose course has this direct 


tendency. Reasoning, entreaty, and expostulation are lost on 
the Abolitionists. They have scoffed at warning, and despised 
reproof; they have insulted a community which has patiently 
borne their outrages on its intelligence ; they have slandered, 
with fiery malignity, the best and purest of our public men, and 
trampled, with ferocious sacrilege, on the ashes of the benefac- 
tors of our country. . . . With the spirit of demons, rather 
than of men, they are willing to persist in acts which may result 
in servile insurrection, and in scenes of horror which humanity 
shudders even to imagine. . . . They say they are 
prompted by regard for Christianity. . . . Admit that 
their motives are good, still their delusions have all the ten- 
dencies, and may produce all the effects, of the most heinous 

The abolitionists, — or those persons with whom anti-slavery 
was the predominant idea, were not numerous in our state; 
but, though few, they had that conscientious conviction of "the 
truth in them " which, persistently enforced by fit argument and 
effort, could not fail ultimately, if slowly, to work conviction in 
many others. The combined voice of agitation in newspaper, 
lecture-room, conventions, and anti-slavery societies, set many 
to pondering seriously these things in their hearts. That agi- 
tation was not a lullaby, putting to sleep the conservative con- 
science with gentle euphemisms ; it was, on the contrary, an 
alarm cry, clear and precise, — though sometimes harsh, — that 
always waked up the hearer. The opponents of abolitionism 
could, and did, give hard blows, and call hard names ; hence 
there was excitement ; but in it the public conscience was by 
degrees aroused. Friction elicited truth, albeit with fire. There 
was a decided warming up by 1835, and not much cooling down 
for years. Slavery was becoming, — as Henry Hubbard, strongly 
anti-abolition, declared in the United States senate, — "the all- 
absorbing subject." Those promulgating anti-slavery opinions 
were audaciously aggressive, and mercilessly exposed the 
iniquity of the slave system and its incompatibility with the 
maintenance of free institutions. Their opponents indignantly 
showered upon their doctrines the epithets, " fanatical,' 3 " "fear- 
ful," "fratricidal; " while they bitterly denounced "the unholy 



crusade against the South" as tending "to involve the nation 
in the undesirable horror of a servile war," and to produce 
"the inevitable result of promiscuous amalgamation." 

The years '35 and '36 were marked by attempts to check 
anti-slavery effort, and to silence its free speech, by violent 
intimidation, both with and without the forms of law. The 
outrage upon William Lloyd Garrison, of the Liberator^ dragged 
through the streets of Boston with the rope of mob violence 
about his neck, essentially exemplifies the anti-abolition spirit, 
of the time, in its intimidating phase ; as it existed, too, even 
among the free hills of New Hampshire. 

So, one August day in '35, after much resolving and threaten- 
ing, three hundred men of Canaan and the towns round about, 
convened in Canaan Street, with ninety-five yokes of oxen, but 
without law or license, to do a negrophobic deed. Straightway, 
the Noyes academy, — in which, under the auspices of the New 
England Anti-Slavery society, students, without distinction of 
color, were allowed co-education, — was lifted bodily upon its 
shoes," and moved half a mile away to its selected dumping- 
place. The dumping duly accomplished, the teacher ordered 
out of town, and the pupils scattered, there was rest in Canaan 
and the neighborhood, from the fear of " amalgamation." Though 
the establishment of such an institution, in defiance of the known 
hostile sentiment of the community, may have been indiscreet, 
yet philanthropic indiscretion is infinitely better than vindictive 

And now, once more, in the same August, George Thomp- 
son, — lately a member of the English Parliament, and an 
effective champion of the recent emancipation in the British 
West Indies, and whom Lord Brougham pronounced to be " the 
most eloquent man he ever heard," — spoke in Concord, and 
stirred the wrath of the opponents of anti-slavery agitation. On 
the evening of the 3d of September, they held a large meeting, 
which was addressed by Gov. Hill, Ichabod Bartlett, and others. 
Resolutions, strongly condemnatory of the Abolitionists and their 
sayings and doings, were adopted. These, while deprecating 
"all riotous assemblies" and "violent proceedings," expressed 
11 indignation and disgust at the introduction of foreign emissa- 


ries * * * traversing the country and assailing its institu- 
tions." This thrust at Mr. Thompson, already the object of 
bitter obloquy in the columns of the anti-abolition newspapers, — 
obloquy, rounded off not unfrequently with significant allusions 
to the " coat of tar and feathers," — was hardly adapted to en- 
force suggestions of "law and order." 

The Abolitionists were now, in turn, aroused. On the morn- 
ing of the 4th of September, they notified, by hand-bill, a meeting 
to be held at the court-house, on the evening of that day, at 
which George Thompson and John G. Whittier would be present 
and " where the principles, views, and operations of the Abolition- 
ists would be explained, and any questions proposed, answered." 
Thereupon, trouble began to brew. Chairman Robert Davis, of 
the board of selectmen, warned George Kent and other promi- 
nent Abolitionists that "a popular tumult is threatened." The 
constable was ordered to lock up the town hall ; and the court- 
house, in the same building, was in like manner secured by the 

At evening, friends and foes of " abolition " gathered about 
the appointed place of meeting — to find the doors shut ! Ere 
long, three men approached, one of whom — those "on mischief 
bent " were quite sure — must be the "incendiary Thompson " ! 
The three were received with insulting clamor, emphasized by 
handfuls of " dirt and gravel," as the record has it, and being 
hotly pursued through sundry streets, narrowly escaped serious 
injury. Two of the men were Joseph H. Kimball, of the Herald 
of Freedom, and John G. Whittier, the Quaker poet, but the third 
was not George Thompson. He did not appear — and fortunately, 
it may be presumed, both for his own personal safety, and for 
the good name of Concord, quite badly enough smirched by 
other features of the " disorderly " affair. But the howling mob 
of two hundred, turning from their false scent, now put them- 
selves upon the track of Thompson, and after a mile or so of 
keen and noisy search, found him not — even at the house of 
George Kent, where he was entertained. The game was up, 
Thompson was safe, no "tarring and feathering" of the 
^'foreign emissary," that night. The baffled pursuers appeased 
their disappointment by parading an effigy through the streets, 


5 1 

and afterwards burning it in the state house park, with display 
/ of fireworks and discharge of cannon. 

There came no whisper of prophecy to those engaged in the 
scenes of that night, or to those sympathizing with them, to tell 
what miraculous revenges Time would ere long work : Slavery 
utterly destroyed, the Union gloriously saved; Whittier, the 
Abolitionist, pelted with dirt, now wearing the poet's immortal 
chaplet of fame, and singing the requiem of Southern oppres- 
sion ; Thompson, revisiting the country, — now free America 
indeed — received with acclaim, where he had been persecuted 
as unto death, heard gladly in New Hampshire's capital, and 
honored as the welcome guest of Abraham Lincoln, the great 

Again, during the same year, the members of the anti-slavery 
society of Sanbornton and Northtield would fain listen to a lec- 
ture from George Storrs, a Methodist minister, then employed as 
agent by the American Anti-Slavery Society. Though the select- 
men of Northfield had, at the suggestion of certain gentlemen 
resident at the " Bridge," issued warning to avoid trouble by dis- 
pensing with the meeting, yet those interested saw no good 
reason for desisting from their purpose, and an audience had 
convened at the Methodist church on the 14th of December. 
The services had commenced, and the lecturer was on his knees 
in prayer, when Samuel Tilton suddenly appeared, with men- 
acing face, in the pulpit. Laying his hand heavily upon the 
suppliant's shoulder, he loudly proclaimed the arrest of "George 
Storrs, as a vagrant and idler," and ordered the accused to ap- 
pear at once with him as sheriff, before a legal tribunal. Com- 
pelled thus abruptly to break off his petition to the Almighty for 
the Southern master and his slave, Mr. Storrs accompanied the 
sheriff into the presence of a justice of the peace, in whose court 
he was tried " for his anticipated anti-slavery lecture " — as Rogers 
happily puts it — and, after some delays, was discharged. 

Nothing daunted, however, Mr. Storrs accepted the invitation 
of the Pittsfield anti-slavery society, — extended through Jona- 
than Curtis and John Richardson, respectively pastors of the 
Congregational and Baptist churches, to deliver two lectures in 
that town, on the 31st of March, the Fast Day of 1836. On 


his arrival, a letter was handed him, signed by thirty-seven 
citizens, and warning him against addressing the people "upon 
the dangerous and all-exciting subject of the immediate abolition 
of slavery in the Southern States." He did not hesitate, how- 
ever, to meet his engagements, and lectured, in the morning, in 
the Baptist church. Joining on his knees in the concluding 
prayer led by Mr. Curtis, he was summarily arrested by a deputy 
sheriff. The latter had rushed into the pulpit, and interrupting 
the prayer, had announced that he held a warrant of arrest, and 
that Mr. Storrs must go with him ; adding an impatient " Come," 
while giving him a " shake," to hasten compliance. Mr. Storrs 
demanded the reading of the warrant, which was addressed to 
Reuben T. Leavitt, a justice of the peace, and complained of 
"George Storrs, a transient person," as "a common railer and 
brawler, against the peace and dignity of the State." The 
sheriff declined bail offered by Caleb Merrill and others, and 
took Mr. Storrs off with him in search of magistrate Leavitt, 
who opened court at half past twelve. After responding " not 
guilty," Mr. Storrs requested postponement till the next morn- 
ing; but Moses Norris, Jr., counsel for the prosecution, objected, 
and the request was denied. The magistrate, however, adjourned 
court for an hour and a half, for dinner, and, with some reluc- 
tance, allowed the respondent to go on bail for that time. This 
respite Mr. Storrs did not spend at dinner, but took advantage 
of it to get in a lecture at the Congregational church, where he 
was welcomed by a large audience. Remarking upon the Scrip- 
ture text read in the opening service — " Remember those that 
are in bonds as bound with them " — he good-naturedly reminded 
his hearers that he was literally in bonds with the oppressed at 
that moment, — being "under bonds for appearance in court in 
an hour and a half." He did not forfeit his bail ; he appeared 
in court, but made no defense. Mr. Norris supported the prose- 
cution ; and the justice, taking the night " to think of it," 
pronounced, the next morning, the following uniquely ridiculous 
sentence: "That the said George Storrs be committed to the 
house of correction in said town of Pittsfield, there to be put to 
hard labor for the term of three months, and pay the^ costs of 
prosecution taxed at fifteen dollars and sixty-five cents." 



Of course, Mr. Storrs took appeal to the higher court, where, 
at the ensuing September term, the prosecuting party was called 
without response ; and the attorney-general knowing nothing 
about the case, it was dismissed. 

The exactions made by the slaveholding South upon the free 
North became more and more cruel. Anti-slavery societies and 
publications must be suppressed; the "peculiar institution" 
must have more territory; it must be protected in the District 
of Columbia, and so on — such were some of its demands with 
their climax of wickedness capped by an infamous " gag," 
whereby all petitions, remonstrances, or memorials touching the 
"dangerous topic " of slavery, must be laid upon the table of 
the nation's house of representatives, without discussion, refer- 
ence, or even reading. And that an Atherton, of free New 
Hampshire, should have associated his otherwise fair name in 
odious prominence with the atrocious outrage upon the sacred 
right of petition is a painful historical illustration of the fear- 
fully debauching power of Southern slavery over the Northern 

These growing pro-slavery exactions of the " Southern breth- 
ren," with anti-slavery agitation constantly directing public 
attention in the North to the evils of the " peculiar institution," 
greatly embarrassed the dominant or Democratic party in the 
state, by putting it upon an ugly defensive, and keeping it there. 
Its position, however, it pluckily held, against an opposition 
comprising Whigs opposed to the general Democratic policy, 
state and national; conservative anti-slavery men, alarmed at 
the aggressions of the slave power, and affiliating, at the polls, 
with those inclined to resist them ; and the Abolitionists, though 
not as partisans, or appealing to the ballot. The Whigs, being 
in the minority and naturally wishing to secure party ascen- 
dancy, made the most they could of anti-slavery sympathy, 
especially in the last two years of the decade, when they 
fought a vigorous fight against the Democracy, who " set their 
faces as flint." against " all abolitionism." James Wilson, Jr., 
the gubernatorial candidate, against Governor Hill, in '38, and 
John Page, in 39, hesitated not to declare strongly for the abo- 


lition of slaver}' in the federal district, and as strongly against 
the annexation of Texas with slavery, and other pro-slavery 
schemes. These views he vigorously enforced upon the stump, 
but without captivating victory for himself and his party. 
Slavery had not yet become a paramount issue in politics. 

Another subject much occupied the public thought in this 
period. The spirit of Temperance reform had come from the 
preceding decade into this. It had been aroused and was 
kept awake by concerted action, by such effective productions, 
as Jonathan Kittredge's "Address on the Effects of Ardent 
Spirits," already circulated, and then circulating, by thousands 
of copies over the land, and by other propagandic means. What 
manner of spirit it was, is evinced by these two sentences from 
a stirring appeal put forth in 1830, by Andrew Rankin, sec- 
retary of the New Hampshire Temperance society : " Let New 
Hampshire come out boldly and manfully, and publish the 
death-warrant of that monster which has exhausted her energies, 
stolen her treasures, corrupted her morals, shed her blood, and 
slain so many of her sons. Let her declare herself free from 
the greatest abomination that ever cursed the world." 

The purpose was to discountenance even moderate drinking; 
and the pledge of total abstinence was sought. Temperance 
societies, town and county, existed in large numbers ; temper- 
ance periodicals were issued ; temperance lectures were delivered, 
and temperance sermons preached. Women engaged zealously 
in the work of reform, and had their special societies. In one of 
these, holding its annual meeting in Concord, on the Fourth of 
July, 1835, eighty-eight of its one hundred and fifty members 
being unmarried, it was resolved, "That we will form no matri- 
monial connection with any man who drinks ardent spirit, or 
even wine." In 1836, a resolution of the State Temperance 
society declared " total abstinence from all intoxicating liquors, 
as a beverage, to be the only sure and permanent basis for tem- 
perance effort." 

License was then the principle of temperance legislation, as 
it always had been ; and statutory regulation of the sale of 
intoxicants, was, as it always had been, and probably always 



will be, under any system, especially subject to evasion and 
violation. Thus, one finds the young lawyer, Mr. John P. Hale, 
of Dover, on the third day of the June session of 1832, present- 
ing a resolution for the appointment of a committee " to inquire 
what, if any, alterations might be necessary in the law of 1827, 
regulating retailers and licensed houses," and speaking in this 
wise : "This is a subject which I approach with diffidence, for 
it is one upon which the public mind is feelingly alive. Strenu- 
ous exertions have been made, and are now making, by philan- 
thropic individuals, not only in this state, but throughout the 
country, for the suppression of intemperance, which all acknowl- 
edge to be a great and crying evil. Appeals have been made 
to legislative bodies to interpose the strong arm of the law, in 
aid of these efforts. We have on our statute book laws against 
the retailing of ardent spirits, yet they are openly and unblush- 
ingly violated. During the last session of the superior court in 
Strafford county, huts for selling ardent spirits were erected on 
the right hand and the left of the very doors of the court-house. 
During the two days which the legislature has been in session in 
this town, the law has been violated, probably in the presence 
of every member of the house. There is something wrong 
somewhere. The resolution simply proposes an inquiry into 
the causes of an evil which, no one can deny, exists." 

The temperance legislation of those days was conservative ; 
there being reluctance " to coerce the public morals " by 
legislative enactment. The most stringent law passed was that 
of 1838, imposing a fine of not more than $50 and not less than 
$25 for each offense of selling, without license from the select- 
men, wine, rum, gin, brandy, or any spirits in any quantity, or 
any mixed liquors, any part of which is spirituous.' Sterner 
restrictions were urged, from time to time, by zealous friends of 
the reform. Thus, in 1835, the Young Men's State Temper- 
ance convention, by resolution, denounced "licensing the sale 
of intoxicating liquors" as "throwing over immorality the shield 
of legislative sanction," and as " inconsistent with the good of 
society." That declaration embodied the prohibition principle ; 
but in legislation the conservative view prevailed, that a single 
step in a direction that should be deemed an invasion of indivi- 


dual rights would do more harm than good. Whether that view 
had just application to the case in hand or not, the fact remains 
that the combined temperance effort of the period won consid- 
erable advantage over the alcoholic evil. 

It would be pleasant to record, to the honor of our decade, 
the complete wiping of that blotch of cruel absurdity — Imprison- 
ment for Debt — from the statute book of New Hampshire. In 
1830, Governor Harvey, in his message, urged the desirableness 
of such action, being the first to make, officially, the sensible 
and humane recommendation. But to procure immediate abol- 
ishment was impossible. The rigors of the system were, how- 
ever, somewhat mitigated by the provision made in 1827 for 
the intervention of commissioners of jail delivery, by making 
the limits of the jail yard those of the county, and by exempting 
women from arrest on mesne process, or on executions founded 
upon contracts. So the system lingered, and Governor Page 
was impelled, in 1839, t0 renew the recommendation of his 
predecessor in 1830, to abolish it, "reserving imprisonment as 
a punishment for fraud or crime, and leaving the credit of the 
individual to depend wholly upon his honesty and ability, 
instead of the power of the creditor to deprive him of his 
liberty." But the suggestion was not immediately heeded, and 
the "relic of barbarism" lived just long enough to breathe its 
last gasp at the opening of the next decade. 

The Abolition of Capital Punishment was much discussed 
during the period. It was favored by Governors Hill and 
Badger ; but all attempts to effect it failed, the people, by a 
large majority, holding strongly to the death penalty. Murder, 
however, to which this penalty was attached, became now dis- 
tinguished into classes, and the publicity of executions was lim- 
ited. This wise legislation was suggested by the untoward event 
now to be briefly related. 

In 1833, occurred, in Pembroke, the startling murder of Mrs. 
Cochran at the hands of the youth, Abraham Prescott. The 
case is a celebrated one in our criminal annals. Prescott was 
twice tried, twice convicted, and twice sentenced to be hanged. 
Upon the unanimous recommendation of the three judges of the 
highest court, — Richardson, Parker, and Upham, — who had sat 



at the trial, and upon the petitions of others, Gov. Badger 
ordered the execution postponed from the 23d of December, '35, 
to the 6th of January, '36. A great crowd of spectators had 
gathered at the jail on the former day, and, disappointed at the 
reprieve, had resorted to such threats of mob violence as 
caused the death, by fright, of Jailer Leach's invalid daughter. 
The members of the court, who had doubts as to Prescott's 
"soundness of mind,'' at the time of committing the deed, 
recommended to the governor a continuance of the reprieve, — if 
the council should consent, — till legislative relief might be ob- 
tained. The council would not consent, and so the demented 
youth — a fitter subject for a lunatic hospital than the gallows 
— was executed on the cold January day, dangling in the sight of 
thousands who had gathered from all the region round. But 
Charles H. Peaslee and Ichabod Bartlett, fully convinced of the 
moral irresponsibility of the victim whom they had strenuously 
defended at his trial, found in this result new incentive and 
argument in their eminently effective efforts to establish an 
asylum for the insane — the question of doing which was then 
engaging the earnest attention of the people and their legisla- 

It was Gov. Samuel Dinsmoor who, in his message in 1832, 
made the first official recommendation for the establishment of 
a "State Lunatic Hospital." That suggestion initiated a reg- 
ular movement for the relief of the insane, which went on and 
on to the accomplishment of its great philanthropic purpose. 

The legislature at once requested the governor to take means 
to ascertain the number of insane persons in the state. Imper- 
fect returns from selectmen showed the number of unfortunates 
bereft of reason to be about two hundred, half of whom were 
paupers. Seventy-six of the whole number were in close- con- 
finement, twenty-five were in private houses, thirty-four in poor- 
houses, seven in cells and cages, six in "chains and irons," and 
four in jails. At the fall session of 1832 these facts were con- 
sidered by a committee, a member of which, Mr. Samuel E. 
Coues, of Portsmouth, made an able report. Many cases of 
intense suffering, and even of barbarity, were recited. " In the 
extremity of the disease," proceeds the report, " the maniac is 


withdrawn from observation. He is placed out of sight and 
forgotten. The prosperous look not in upon the secrets of his 
prison-house. They who have the custody of the wretched 
being are too prone to forget their duty and his claims upon 
their kindness and forbearance. Their sympathy is exhausted, 
and their kindness becomes blunted by familiarity with misery." 
The report concluded with a resolution, "that it is expedient 
that an asylum for the insane be established." The resolution 
was not adopted. 

At the session of 1833 Mr. Charles H. Peaslee, of Concord, 
offered a resolution appropriating $10,000 to establish the hos- 
pital whenever a like sum should be subscribed by individuals 
or corporations. The resolution was eloquently supported by 
the mover, but was postponed till the next session of the 

In 1834 Gov. Badger recommended the favorable considera- 
tion of the subject; but a resolution appropriating $12,500, 
when a like sum should be obtained by private subscription, 
and ably supported in speech by Mr. John Sullivan, of Exeter, 
and others, was, on the second reading, postponed to the next 
session. This " next session " was getting to be a stereotyped 
disposition of the measure. A resolution was, however, passed, 
instructing selectmen to make returns of the number of insane, 
but, for some reason, only forty-eight towns reported. 

The measure had the favor of the newspaper press, as well 
as of enlightened individual opinion all over the state ; still, in 
1835, much opposition was manifested in the legislature. Mr. 
Peaslee made another trial, by offering a resolution providing 
for the sale of the twenty-five shares owned by the state in the 
New Hampshire Bank, the proceeds to be applied to the erec- 
tion of the proposed hospital whenever $12,500 should be ob- 
tained by private subscription. This received reference to a 
select committee and a favorable report, but, finally, met the 
fate of its predecessors, and was postponed to the next session ; 
while a resolution to take the sense of the people at the next 
election passed the house but not the senate. 

There being many who wanted " more light," Messrs. Peaslee, 
of Concord, Sullivan, of Exeter, and Ira Perley, of Hanover, 



were appointed to collect information as to the number and con- 
dition of the insane in the state. Vigorous efforts were put 
forth to enlighten the people and stir up their interest, through 
the newspapers, and by meetings held in most of the larger 
towns. Governor Hill urged the measure, by message, at the 
June session of 1836; numerous petitions came in; and the 
legislature was persuaded to take the sense of the people, at the 
ensuing presidential election, upon the question, "Is it expedient 
for the State to grant an appropriation to build an Insane 

It was estimated that, there were three hundred and fifty in- 
sane persons in the state ; a third part of whom, with the aid of an 
asylum, could be cured, or their condition materially improved. 
Eighty-one were reported to be "in jails, cages, cells, chains, or 
handcuffs." At the opening of the second session of '36, 
Governor Hill announced that less than half the legal voters had 
expressed an opinion, and that the unofficial returns indicated 
nearly an equal vote for and against the proposition. He 
thought that the form in which the question was put to the people 
led them to understand that the state should exclusively erect 
and support an insane hospital ; and that, with this understand- 
ing, it was surprising the question received so large an affirmative 
vote as it had. " If the question had been, ' Is it expedient for the 
State to grant an appropriation in aid of the building of an 
Insane Hospital ? ' " he thought " the expression of public opinion 
would have been more decided." For though " the citizens of 
this state, who are careful, especially, of burdens to be entailed 
upon those who are to come after us, may not be disposed to 
add another considerable item to the permanent state expendi- 
tures, yet there cannot be a doubt of their willingness to afford 
temporary aid, from time to time, in so laudable a public charity 
as that which alone can secure a comfortable asylum for the most 
distressed and most helpless among our fellow-mortals." But 
no action was taken on the matter at that session, and were 
at the next, in 1837 ; one reason for this inaction being found 
in the troublous condition of financial affairs at that time. 

In the spring of 1S38, an association of prominent gentlemen 
of all parts of the state issued a call to the friends of the enter- 



prise to contribute ten or twelve thousand dollars, and thus, 
perhaps, induce the state to complete a noble work, in which all 
her New England neighbors already had the start. The legisla- 
tive session of that year came, and after some attempts to delay 
action, the question of establishment which had been pending 
for six years, was settled by the passage of the "Act to incorpo- 
rate the New Hampshire Asylum for the Insane." Thirty shares 
of the State's New Hampshire Bank stock — about $18,000 — 
were to be made over to the asylum, whenever an additional 
$15,000 had been secured from "sources other than this grant." 

The asylum was incorporated ; but delay in raising the 
requisite subscription prevented organization under the charter 
till January, 1839, wnen eight persons were chosen as trustees 
on the part of the subscribers to the fund, and known as the 
"Corporation"; and four on the part of the state, constituting, 
properly, the " Board of Trustees." There was friction. The 
"Corporation " assumed powers which the " Board of Trustees" 
deemed derogatory of theirs — especially, as to location, which 
now became the burning question. The legislature of 1839 
passed an act additional to that of incorporation, intended to 
settle contending claims, and avoid "endless collision." The 
committee of location selected Portsmouth. The trustees under 
the amended charter were so nearly equally divided upon the 
question of accepting the report of the committee that the mat- 
ter went over to next year. 

At the June session of 1840, another "additional" act was 
passed, providing for the appointment of a board of twelve 
trustees, with all the powers, rights, and duties of the existing 
"Board" and "Corporation" — thus placing the institution en- 
tirely under the control of the state. Moreover, at its second 
session in '40, the legislature itself settled the troublesome ques- 
tion of location, by an act establishing the asylum in Concord, 
and authorizing the trustees to proceed to the erection of a 
building, sufficient for the reception of one hundred and twenty 
patients, whenever Concord should have given security for the 
payment of $9,500. 

All this had not been accomplished without much hard feel- 
ing and acrimonious discussion. Portsmouth had previously 


withdrawn her contribution of $23,000 of surplus revenue ; and 
at the same session at which the location was fixed, a bill was 
introduced for establishing another asylum at Portsmouth. 
This went over to the next session — and was never heard of 
more. The centrality of Concord made it a desirable location 
for the asylum, and certainly matched two of the considerations 
urged in favor of the rival town, to wit, — in substance, — a better 
supply of fish, and better society ! The location being fixed at 
Concord, the trustees had to settle the special site therein, and 
finally did so in 1841, by selecting, from several sites shown with 
no little local rivalry, the feasible one, upon which building was 
soon commenced, and where the institution was opened to 
patients in 1842. In the varied perplexities of the later years, 
arising from conflicting interests, the wise straightforwardness 
of John H. Steele, as a trustee, was eminently commendable. 

Thus, to the fourth decade belongs the honor of establishing 
the Asylum for the Insane, that benign institution of blessed 
ministry to " mind diseased," though the effectuation of the act 
of establishment fell partly to the fifth. It only remains to note 
here the significant fact that the asylum established by law in 
1838, and opened for use in 1842, had received in 1837 its first 
legacy — a prenatal gift — attesting the faith of Catharine Fisk 
in the happy outcome of the lingering philanthropic effort, and 
proving the auspicious exemplar of many another noble bene- 

But with all the busy cares of varied occupation, public and 
private ; with weighty questions, political, industrial, moral, 
financial, and philanthropic, arising in an age of progress, 
our decade was not devoid of means for higher culture and 
progressive intellectual improvement. It had its literary hours, 
that contributed, with other instrumentalities, to better thinking 
and nobler doing. Lyceums and other literary institutions, state 
and local, existed. One of these, at its sixth anniversary, in 
1834, could report " an increased attention to the arts and 
sciences, and the cultivation of the mind." Governor Hill is 
mentioned as a disputant in a discussion held by one of these 
organizations ; and the venerable jurist, Jeremiah Smith, "as a 
lecturer befcfre the New Hampshire Lyceum. 


The state had its library at the capitol ; Portsmouth, its well- 
supplied Atheneum. Many towns, even the smaller, had their 
" social " libraries, not unfrequently well selected, and generally 
well read. Bancroft, Bryant, Channing, Cooper, Irving, Long- 
fellow, Whittier, and other gifted ones, whose genius was making 
American literature, wrote for the men and women of New 
Hampshire; while England's classic masters from Milton to 
Macaulay found due appreciation. 

Appropriately, the last of these historic glances rests upon 
the state's Historical Society, then in comparative youth, but 
strong in the high quality of its membership, and fulfilling well 
its laudable function of preserving pure the fountains of New 
Hampshire history. That glance falls upon this chair, then 
occupied by Ichabod Bartlett, Salma Hale, Matthew Harvey, 
Charles H. Atherton, and Joel Parker. It falls, too, upon the 
corresponding secretary's vacant seat, whence was called by 
death, one Awgust day of 1838, John Farmer, the profound his- 
torical student, the peerless antiquarian, and the blameless man 
who " had no enemies and many friends." 

And now, with the memories of the fourth decade left to 
twine with the actualities of the tenth, with the wish that our 
noble Society may live and flourish ten times ten decades, and 
with a grateful appreciation of honors conferred, I yield the 
chair to my successor. 

A vote of thanks was tendered Mr. Hadley for his very inter- 
esting address, and a copy requested for publication. 

The address was followed by brief but very interesting 
remarks, reminiscent in character, by Woodbridge Odlin, Esq., 
Judge Sylvester Dana, Hon. J. B. Walker, Rev. C. L. Tappan, 
and William Yeaton, Esq. 

After concluding the remarks, at 5 p. m. the Society adjourned 

to the call of the President. 

John C. Ordway, 



Concord, N. H., March n, 1896. 

An adjourned meeting of the New Hampshire Historical 
Society was held at the Society's rooms in Concord, Wednesday, 
March 11, 1896, at 2 o'clock p. m. 

In the absence of the President and Vice-President, Hon. J. 
C. A. Hill was called to the chair pro tern., but subsequently 
Hon. L. D. Stevens, Vice-President, came in and relieved him. 

On motion of Rev. C. L. Tappan, 

Giles Wheeler, of Concord, and 
Albert P. Davis, of Warner, 

were elected resident members of the Society. 

The matter of providing a seal for the Society came up for 
consideration, and a sample was shown. After some discussion, 
it was voted that the matter be left with the special committee 
with full power. 

Hon. Joseph B. Walker then delivered an address on " Major 
Daniel Livermore, a Citizen Soldier of the Revolution." 


During the period of her French and Indian wars and the 
succeeding one of her Revolution, America originated a product 
unlike any which the world had before known, — a citizen sol- 
dier ; a man intelligent and active in peace, valorous in war 
and patriotic in both, always a citizen, and a soldier when neces- 
sary. You will seek in vain for such a personage in the mili- 
tary squads by which the Louises of France laid desolate in fire 
and blood our early frontiers ; you will not find such an one 
among the soldiers of the fatherland, by whom George the 
Third, seeking to subdue our ancestors, drove them to inde- 
pendence and nationality ; least of all, among the low-born sol- 
diers of Hesse Cassel, whom his stubborn majesty had hired to 
aid him in his vain attempt. He existed only in the narrow 
tier of states which in 1775 skirted the Atlantic coast from the 
Piscataqua to the Savannah, — the rarest incarnation of war and 
citizenship which humanity had then produced, and^of which, 
even now, but few nations of the world car boast. 


To some of the most salient passages in the life of such a 
personage, I beg leave to call your attention to-day ; not be- 
cause he attained to high military rank, for he did not rise be- 
yond that of a captain, until the close of the Revolution, when 
he was honored with the brevet title of major ; not because he 
possessed wealth or great influence ; not because he was a 
learned man, for his learning was only that of a common school ; 
but because he was a good citizen and a good soldier. 

First Period — 1 749-1 775. 

Captain Daniel Livermore, to some passages in whose life I 
now invite your attention, was the son of David and Abigail 
Kimball Livermore, and was born in Watertown, Mass., in 1749. 
He came to Concord in early life and learned of his relative, 
Deacon John Kimball, the trade of a house carpenter and joiner. 
We know nothing of his childhood and very little of his youth. 
It is, however, a recorded fact that, after coming to this town 
and just after he had attained his majority (December 24, 1771), 
he was intrusted by the judge of the probate court of Middlesex 
county, in Massachusetts, with the administration of his 
mother's estate. Up to the beginning of the Revolution, he 
doubtless wrought at his trade, and the little of his early life 
which tradition has preserved, indicates that his youth gave 
promise of a useful manhood. 

Second Period — 1775. 

He was twenty-five years old when the Battle of Lexington 
occurred. Three days after the news of it had reached Concord 
(April 23, 1775), he enlisted as a soldier in the company of 
Capt. Gordon Hutchins and went immediately to join the 
patriot forces around Boston. He was made second lieutenant 
of this company, which was assigned to the regiment of Col. 
John Stark. 

He participated in the Battle of Bunker Hill, where, for the 
first time, he was under fire, in the line between the redoubt and 
the shore of Mystic river. He used afterwards to intimate 
that, as he lay with his comrades behind the rail fence, with his 


face upraised and his musket cocked, reserving his fire until the 
enemy had reached the stake which Stark had set up in front of 
them, his feelings were more interesting than agreeable. When, 
however, the British column, drawing near, commenced firing 
and a bullet severed the stalk of a small bush above his head, 
which descending endwise "barked his nose," he "got mad," 
as he was wont to say, and from that time onwards put in his best 
work and in such manner as he thought would do the most good. 

Upon the retreat from the hill, he entered a deserted house 
on Charlestown neck for a drink of water. Hardly had he 
raised a window and propped it up by his empty gun, when a 
shot from the Glasgow, or some other craft lying in the 
stream, crashed through the wall with such havoc as in his 
opinion to render the place unhealthy. He therefore speedily 
left it for one more salubrious. 

After the Battle of Bunker Hill, Colonel Stark's regiment was 
quartered on Winter Hill, and probably remained there until 
the evacuation of Boston by the army of General Howe, on the 
17th day of March, 1776. Soon afterwards, it was ordered to 
accompany General Washington to New York, and thence sent 
to support the American army in Canada. Our efforts in that 
direction had proved abortive, and our forces, as you well re- 
member, retired down Lake Champlain to Ticonderoga, which 
they reached early in July. 

Early in the following winter, Stark's regiment joined General 
Washington's forces on the right bank of the Delaware, reaching 
there on the 20th of December. It was important that some- 
thing should be done, if possible, to remove the despondency 
which our reverses at Long Island, White Plains, and Fort 
Washington had caused to pervade all patriotic hearts. 

The commander-in-chief rose to the exigencies of the occa- 
sion. Crossing the Delaware in company with General Green 
and our own Sullivan, on the night of the 25th of December, he 
fell suddenly the next day on the enemy at Trenton. Stark's 
regiment led the vanguard of the American right wing; and 
where Stark was, there was usually fighting. You recall the re- 
sult, — the capture of one thousand prisoners with arms- and 
stores. Eight days later, on the third day of January, 1777. 


Stark and his regiment were present at the Battle of Princeton. 
Here a second time victory perched upon our banners, and the 
citizen soldier whose career we are trying to trace, again smelled 
the smoke of burning gunpowder, and again " got mad." 

Some years ago, your speaker saw in the college library at 
Princeton, a framed canvas which hung there during this bat- 
tle, bearing the face and shoulders of George the Third. Dur- 
ing the action, a cannon-ball entered the building and went 
directly through his majesty's head. Some years afterwards, the 
picture was sent to one of the Peels, in Philadelphia, for re- 
pairs. In due time it was returned, fully restored, but bearing 
not the head of George the Third but that of George Washing- 
ton, — a most significant improvement of the original, which had 
changed to history, an incident which at first had been but pro- 

After these engagements, the army of Washington retired to 
winter quarters at Morristown, and the campaign of 1776 was 

Up to November 7, 1776, Livermore had served as first lieu- 
tenant of Captain Woodbury's company in Stark's regiment, 
having been appointed by the delegates of the United Colonies 
in the previous January. 1 At this date, his rank was raised to 
that of captain, a rank which, for the next seven years, and 
until his retirement from the service, he maintained with fidelity 
to his country and with honor to himself. 


Early in 1777, New Hampshire raised three new regiments 
composed of men enlisted to serve three years or during the 
war, and Alexander Scammell was commissioned colonel of the 
Third. Of this, Captain Livermore's company formed a part, 
and was ordered to rendezvous at Ticonderoga. It subse- 
quently moved south with the army and participated in the 
Battle of Stillwater, on the 19th of September, and eighteen days 
later, in that of Saratoga, in which its gallant colonel was 
wounded. On the 17th of October, as you remember, General 
Burgoyne and his whole army, to the number of nearly six 

» N. H. Hist. Soc. Colls., Vol. 5, p. 308. 


thousand men, surrendered to General Gates, who, by intrigue 
unworthy a soldier, had recently secured command of the 
northern army and captured temporarily the laurels belonging 
to Schuyler and Arnold and Scammell and Stark, — laurels which 
history has since torn from his undeserving brow. 


After the surrender of Burgcyne, the New Hampshire regi- 
ments moved southward, and late in the season (1777) went into 
winter quarters with Washington at Valley Forge. Here they 
remained until the following June. 

One of the darkest periods of the American Revolution was 
the winter of ^77-78, which Washington and his army passed 
at this encampment. The terms of enlistment of many of the 
soldiers had expired, and the army was being continually weak- 
ened by their return to their homes. Many, urged to enlist, 
were kept from doing so by a withholding of the supplies of 
food, clothing, and camp furnishings which congress had pro- 
vided, by the inefficient officers recently placed at the heads of 
the quartermasters and commissary departments. 

Hundreds, yes, more than two thousand of our brave men 
were barefooted and in rags. Hutted in log structures, many 
had neither blankets nor straw between them and the earth floors 
upon which they were expected to sleep. The wonder is, not 
that they became discouraged and homesick even to occasional 
desertions, but that they did not all throw down their arms in 
disgust and retire from the service. To the fact that they were 
patriotic citizens as well as soldiers, and to the presence of 
Washington, who shared their fortunes, must we mainly attribute 
the patient endurance of their privations. 

If there was any time in the life of this great commander 
when the grandeur of his character rose to a higher elevation 
than at any other, it was during this dreary cantonment of his 
army in the gorge of Valley Forge. Overpowering sympathy 
for his men, whose sufferings he daily witnessed but could not 
alleviate, the machinations of the wretched cabal which sought 
to supersede him by the incompetent Gates who, by the aid of 
Conway and others of like character, sought to thrust himself 


into the important place he could not have filled, the supineness 
of congress, almost as powerless to aid him as they were slow 
to appreciate the gravity of their country's situation, — such a 
combination of adverse conditions were enough, surely, and 
more than enough, to crush the stoutest heart. Why they did 
not, we wonder, until a scene meant to be hidden is unveiled, 
and the great commander, sad but not in despair, is revealed to 
view alone in his tent and upon his knees before his country's 
God. There is, indeed, a limit to human endurance, but the 
supporting power of Omnipotence is as measureless as eternity. 

At length, however, the winter wore away and the sun rose 
higher in the heavens and shone with warmer rays upon the 
encampment of our army. The thinned ranks of the regiments 
had been filled with new recruits, and, a fact of immense conse- 
quence to the effectiveness of our troops, Baron Steuben, a sol- 
dier from his youth and for years an aid-de-camp of Frederick 
the Great, brought to the camp his long experience as an organ- 
izer and tactician. Day after day he drilled our imperfectly 
taught soldiers, increasing their effectiveness, and from chaos 
evolving order. Occasionally their greenness was too much for 
the good German's patience. On one occasion it is said that, 
disgusted with the imperfections of their evolutions, having 
sworn at them, first in German and then in French, the only 
languages which he knew, he called upon an attendant to damn 
them in English, a language which they could understand. 

The baron was a godsend to our army from that time 
onward. He became an American citizen, and the value of his 
services was subsequently recognized by the gift of a pension. 
New York also granted him a township of land, near Utica, 
upon which he built him a house and cleared him a farm. Here 
he died on the 2 2d of November, 1795, and, in compliance with 
his wish, was buried on his own land, with his military cloak 
about him and the star of honor, which he always wore, upon his 

Why, during this long winter, Sir William Howe, only twenty 
miles away, at Philadelphia, with forces well clothed and fed 
and fat, did not swoop down upon our weakened remnant o£ an 
army, is a mystery which supreme generosity leaves unex- 


plained. We can express no surprise at his supersedure by Sir 
Henry Clinton in the spring. Fit is it to thank God, not only 
for the patient valor of Washington, but for the frivolous incom- 
petency of Howe as well. 

Captain Livermore, having enlisted for three years, or during 
the war, was a witness and sharer of the doleful experiences of 
this dismal winter. Letters written there to his friends in Con- 
cord are still preserved. 

Upon the evacuation of Philadelphia by the British troops on 
the 18th of June, 1788, where, under Sir William Howe, they had 
wasted the winter and spring in dissipation and frivolity, Wash- 
ington followed them in parallel columns as far as Monmouth, 
where, but for the treachery of Charles Lee, who led the 
advanced division, the engagement at that place would have 
been, instead of a drawn battle, an American victory. In this 
contest more or less of our New Hampshire soldiers participated. 
The British army afterwards escaped to New York, while that of 
Washington passed on to White Plains, where it remained until 
late in autumn and then went into winter quarters at Middle- 
brook, in New Jersey. 


The campaign of 1779 was not designed to be an active one 
except in the chastisement of the Indians and Tories in north- 
eastern Pennsylvania and western New York. Their more than 
barbarous butcheries in the Wyoming and neighboring valleys had 
been so atrocious as to convince Washington that they should 
be stopped at all events. He therefore determined to dispatch 
an expedition to that section, to burn their houses and lay waste 
their fields to such an extent as to prevent a repetition of like 
cruelties. An army of some three thousand men was accord- 
ingly sent thither for that purpose, under command of General 
Sullivan of this state. 

Captain Livermore's company made a part of it. His jour- 
nal, published in the sixth volume of our collections, gives a 
vivid account of its operations from the time it left Soldier's 
Fortune, near North river and twelve miles from FishkilJ, on the 
seventeenth day of May, until its return to a place called Wild 


Cat, in the vicinity of Danbury, on the second day of the follow- 
ing December. 

This journal is an itinerary of the expedition, together with 
such observations upon its work and the character of the coun- 
try through which it passed as a thoughtful and intelligent New 
England soldier would be likely to make, and is a valuable con- 
tribution to the history of this important enterprise. 


On the sixth day of April, 1780, after an unpleasant winter at 
Wild Cat, and, as he remarks, " after going through many disa- 
greeable scenes, which circumstances have prevented my keep- 
ing a minute of," Captain Livermore and his company were 
ordered to West Point, and remained near North river during 
much or all of this year. 

There was little fighting at the North during this period to 
vary the tedious monotony of army life. Drills, guard mount- 
ings, and dress parades had long before lost their novelty and 
become but a dull routine. Captain Livermore's Orderly Book, 
commenced at Orangetown (near North river) on the twenty- 
fifth of September, 1780, and ended at New Hampshire Village, 
February the 16th, 1781, details the daily life in camp during 
this period. 

This book is now in the possession of Mr. William P. Fiske. 
A printed copy of it may be found in the ninth volume of our 
Collections. Besides the daily orders, it contains facts of much 
historic interest. Against the date of October 1, 1780, is the 
following sharp and terse entry in relation to Major Andre, who 
had been captured a few days before within our lines, tried 
before a candid commission as a spy, found guilty, and sentenced 
to be hanged. It reads as follows : 

The Board of General Officers appointed to examine into the 
case of Major Andre' have reported, 

1 st. That he came on shore from the Vulture, sloop of war, 
in the night of the twenty-first of September last, on an inter- 
view with General Arnold, in a private and secret manner. 

2d. That he changed his dress within our lines, and Under 
a feigned name and disguised habit, passed our works at Stony 



and Verplanck's Points, the evening of the twenty-second of Sep- 
tember last, and was taken on the morning of the twenty-third 
of September last, at Tarrytown, in a disguised habit, being then 
on his way to New York, and when taken he had in his posses- 
sion several papers which contained in them intelligence for the 

The Board, having maturely considered these facts, do also 
report to his Excellency, General Washington, that Major Andre', 
Adjutant-General to the British Army, ought to be considered as 
a spy from the enemy and that, agreeably to the law and usages 
of nations, it is their opinion that he ought to suffer death, the 
Commander-in-Chief directs the execution of the above sentence 
in the usual way this afternoon at five o'clock precisely. 

Andre, whose manly candor excited the admiration of every 
one in the American camp, requested, as you will remember, 
that he might not be hanged, but shot ; but it was found impossi- 
ble to grant his request, and his sentence was executed in the 
manner ordered by the commander-in-chief. 

Sorrow oppresses the heart of the American as he reads the 
inscription upon his monument in the nave of Westminster 
Abbey, erected by George the Third. But while his generosity 
does not grudge him a lasting repose in this grandest mausoleum 
of English speaking heroes, he regrets that his friends saw fit to 
adorn that monument with fulsome decorations which Andre's 
good sense would have declined. 

Among the most interesting entries in this book are the records 
of the court martials, held from time to time. They afford con- 
clusive evidence that frivolity and laxity of discipline were not 
regarded with lenity by the commander-in-chief. Captain Liver- 
more was called from time to time to sit upon these. Against 
the date of October 5th, 1780, we find the following entry: 

Regimental Orders, October 5th, 1780. 

At a Regimental Court Martial, held in camp this day, whereof 
Capt. Livermore was President. Joseph Avery, a soldier in Capt. 
Frye's Company, 3d New Hampshire Regiment, was tried for 
staying out of Camp on the night of the fourth inst. and not 
giving sufficient reason for his conduct. 

The prisoner being brought before the Court, plead guilty of 
being out of camp one mile and a half, at eleven o'clock at night, 
the Court find him guilty of the 1st Article, 13th Section of the 


Articles of War, and do sentence him to receive thirty-five lashes 
on his naked back. 

The commanding officer of the Regiment approves of the sen- 
tence and orders it put in execution this evening at roll call. 1 

Of the same character is the original order for the execution 
of John Powell, for repeated desertions, now in the possession 
of Mr. Fiske. It reads as follows : 

To Capt. Daniel Livermore Esq. 

Whereas at a Brigade Court Martial, whereof Major Scott was 
president, held in Camp the 27 th of April, 1781, pursuant to 
orders issued by Col. Christopher Green — 

2 John Powell, Soldier in the New Hampshire line, charged 
with "repeated desertions " was by the judgment of said Court 
found guilty and sentenced to suffer Death which was afterwards 
by me approved and his execution ordered this day. 

You are therefore to take the said John Powell from the place 
of his present confinement and carry him to the place appointed 
for his execution and there hang him by the neck till he be dead, 
for which this shall be your Sufficient Warrant. 

Given under my hand and seal at Head Quarters New Windsor 
this eleventh day of May Anno Domini 1781. 

G° Washington. 
By His Excellency's Command 

D. Humphreys Aide de Camp. 


In 1780 the seat of war was transferred to the South. There 
were few engagements in the North from that time onward. The 
movements of the New Hampshire troops therefore afford 
little to interest us until the fall of 1781, when Col. Scammell 
and his regiment is found at Yorktown, a short time before the 
surrender of Lord Cornwallis. 

Col. Scammell had been appointed adjutant-general in the 
Continental Army the year before, but preferring activity at a 
post of danger, he was given the command of a regiment of light 
infantry, his own, it appears, augmented, perhaps, by additional 

1 N. H. Hist. Soc. Colls., Vol. 10, p. 204. 

8 It appears by the Revolutionary Rolls that Powell was from Henniker.— J. B. W. 



companies. On the thirtieth of September he was the officer of 
the day, and, while reconnoitering the British position, was taken 
prisoner and brutally wounded, after his capture, by a Hessian 
soldier. Gen. Cornwallis permitted his removal to Williams- 
burg, a few miles away, where he died on the 6th of October 
and was buried. A monument marks the place of his repose in 
this former capital of Virginia. 

" Which conq'ring armies, from their toils returned, 
Reared to his glory while his fate they mourned." 

It was thus the privilege of Capt. Livermore to witness for a 
second time the surrender of a British army, when, on the 19th 
of October, 1781, Gen. O'Hara transferred that of the British 
commander-in-chief to Gen. Washington. 

The surrender of Gen. Cornwallis virtually closed the war, 
although the armies of the contending powers were not dis- 
banded until two years after and some desultory fighting was 
maintained. But the loss of two armies, numbering some 
fifteen thousand men, proved sufficient to bring pig-headed King 
George the Third to a sense of his situation. Lord George 
Germain was dismissed on the 20th of March, 1782. Lord 
North retired, a new ministry was formed, and on the 3d day of 
September, 1783, England acknowledged our nationality. 

Capt. Livermore retained his command until the 19th of 
December, 1783, when the American army was disbanded; 
having previously, on the 10th of October, been honored by the 
Continental Congress with the brevet rank of major, a title 
which he had honestly earned by a faithful service of nearly 
nine years in his country's cause. 

He returned to Concord in 1783, as he went out in 1775, poor 
in material wealth, but rich in the possession of a patriotic sword 
and an honor as bright as the stars. The little flag which the 
Grand Army of the Republic annually plants at his grave in 
yonder cemetery symbolizes at once a soldier's love and the great 
nationality which his arm had helped to gain and maintain. 



Upon his return to Concord, Major Livermore took to farm- 
ing and to matrimony. He built him a house. He cleared 
fields for his crops and a pasture for his cattle. In 1785 or 
1786, he married a young lady whose loyalty to the American 
cause had ever been as true as the temper of his sword. 

The soldier again became a citizen. In addition to their 
regard, his neighbors, from time to time, bestowed upon him a 
share of the public honors at their disposal, and in 1794 and 
1795, sent nmi as tne ^ r representative to the peripatetic legisla- 
ture, which held sessions those years at Exeter, Amherst, Con- 
cord, and Hanover. 

Persons who had known him, have represented him as a man 
of more than ordinary mental ability and of much intelligence; 
as tall and slender in person ; of easy manners and very cour- 
teous ; as a good citizen and an ardent patriot ; ever ready to 
make any personal sacrifice which the welfare of his friends or 
of his country might require. 

Whether or not the exposures of his army life may have 
lessened prematurely his natural vitality does not appear. It is 
only known that he died on the 226. day of June, 1798, at the 
early age of forty-nine years. 

No children were the fruit of his marriage. His widow ere 
long sold the real estate which had been his and removed to 
Boston. It is a singular fact and an interesting one that most 
of this is now devoted to public uses. The library building of 
the New Hampshire Historical Society stands upon land 
which was once a part of his house lot; the city's high service 
reservoir occupies ground which was once a part of his pasture, 
and upon the elevation to the north of this, where he had fields 
and sowed grain, a majority of Concord's families bury their 
beloved dead. 

As stated at the beginning, Major Livermore is not presented 
as a hero of his land and generation ; not as a great leader of 
men, for he was not ; not as a man of broad learning, for he 
had it not ; not as a man of large wealth, and possessed of the 
power attaching thereto ; nor as a man without faults, for he 


To paid account painting, B. J. Bils- 

borough . 


furniture, H. A. Mac- 

donald . 


plumbing, Lee Bros. . 




Permanent funds . . . . $11,000.00 
Current funds 1,208.33 


Respectfully submitted, 

W. P. Fiske, Treasurer. 
Concord, N. H., June 10, 1896. 

Next followed a verbal report of the Corresponding Secretary, 
Hon. Sylvester Dana, and the same was accepted. 

The report of the librarian was then called for, and pre- 
sented as follows : 


To the Members of the New Hampshire Historical Society : 

The work of the past year has gone on under many disadvan- 
tages and much confusion, and made luminous revelation of the 
Library's needs. The vote at the last annual meeting to make 
extensive alterations and improvements in the Society's rooms, 
to meet imperative demands in view of its increase and prospec- 
tive growth, and not fully consummated till the following Decem- 
ber, necessitated repeated removals to and fro of its large accu- 
mulations of newspapers and relics, till the papers were placed 
in the new room fitted up to receive them, or packed away where 
convenient space, not needed for books and pamphlets, offered. 
These had to be brought together, classified, and arranged as 
far as practicable, to be ready for future use. 

The plans resulting from these improvements also necessi- 
tated a rearrangement of the Library proper, a work involving, 
before it is completed, long and painstaking patience. This 
has been begun, and in course of time, we trust, will be satis- 
factorily accomplished, and bring the Library into such shape as 
its importance deserves, and make it readily and wholly accessi- 
ble for such reference as may be desired by its many patrons. 
After the much-needed and proper classification is completed, a 
renumbering and new cataloguing will be necessary. This will 
follow as fast as time will allow. Not till finished will the Library 
be in best running order. 



As there are no means of comfortably heating the two upper 
floors, after the room in which we are assembled was fitted up 
with cases, the books oftenest needed for consultation, such as 
histories, genealogies, state papers, government publications, 
and publications of the different historical societies, were 
brought down stairs, and, as you see, arranged in some order, 
becoming a prophecy of what we hope the entire Library will be 
by and by. 

The accessions to the Library the past year have been 236 
bound volumes and 85 [ pamphlets, a total of 1,117, exclusive of 
several hundreds of magazines, catalogues, and town reports 
received from various sources. Adding to the 12,063, as given 
in the Librarian's report for 1895, those received and bound 
during the present' year, 390 in all, the Library has to-day 
12,453 bound volumes. 

During the past year contributions have been received from 
the following persons : 

Edward Atkinson, 
Albert S. Batchellor, 
Henry M. Baker, 
George L. Balcom, 
Charles P. Bancroft, 
James G. Barnwell, 
John O. Barrows, 
H. H. Bellas, 
Henry W. Blair, 
Henry C. Blinn, 
John B. Bouton, 
Miss M. Brown, 
Charles C. Carpenter, 
N. F. Carter, 
Emily E. Chaffee, 
J. P. Chittenden, 
J. P. Cilley, 
Frank G. Clark, 
George P. Cleaves, 
William R. Cochrane, 
G. P. Conn, 
Howard M. Cook, 
Sylvester Dana, 
J. W. Dean, 
B. F. DeCosta, 
Miss Lucy Dow, 
Edson C. Eastman, 


Samuel C. Eastman, 



Frank G. Edgerly, 



John C. Emerson, 



Trueworthy E. Fowler, 



Edward Frossard, 



Samuel L. Gerould, 



George C. Gilmore, 



John M. Glidden, 



Samuel A. Green, 



Otis G. Hammond, 



Anthony C. Hardy, 



Charles W. Hardy, 



Mrs. S. W. Hale, 



John T. Hassam, 



Henry A. Hazen, 



Miss Alma J. Herbert, 



Fred Hildreth, 



William L. Himes, 



Henry E. Hovey, 



J. Elizabeth Hoyt, 



William Hurlin, 



Joseph C. A. Hill, 



Samuel P. Leeds, 



A. Leffingwell, 



P. H. Larkin, 



Charles C. Lord, 



Horace P. McClary, 




Edward McDonald, 

Miss Annie A. McFarland, 

C. B. Miller, 

Miss Sarah J. Mooney, 

M. L. Montgomery, 

R. A. Musgrove, 

Hiram Orcutt, 

Miss Mary E. Osgood, 

Daniel Pepper, 

George A. Pillsbury, 

Eben Putnam, 

Joseph B. Sawyer, 

Mrs. Aaron Smith, 

Ezra S. Stearns, 

George F. Stone, i 

Books and pamphlets were received from historical and other 
societies as follows : 


Lucien Thompson, 



John C. Thorne, 



Henry Walker, 



Isaac Walker, 



Joseph B. Walker, 



Irving A. Watson, 



W. Seward Webb, 



Henry B. Wicom, 



E. R. Wilkins, 



Mrs. D. E. Willard, 



D. E. Willard, 



A. W. Whelpley, 



Augustus Woodbury, 



Mrs. A. Woodbury, 


American Antiquarian, 




American Catholic, 




American Humane, 






Rhode Island, 


Essex Institute, 


Western Reserve, 


Fairfield County, 










Historical Register Co., 


Knox County, Me., 


Iowa Geological Survey, 




Johns Hopkins University, 




Record Corn's, Providence, 




Smithsonian Institution, 


New England, 


Worcester Soc. of Antiquity, 


New York, 


Government, 117 



The following books, papers, reports, and pamphlets have 
been received as gifts, or in exchange : 

From Miss Frances M. Abbott, Vassar Miscellany, 10 vols., and 
Vassar catalogues, 17. 

Mrs. Charles H. Bell a large box of pamphlets. 

American Bible Society, Annual Reports, 11 numbers. 

A. P. Carpenter, old plans of Bath and other towns. 

Henry L. Cobb, Church Building Quarterly, 21 Nos. 

Dartmouth College, Congregational Quarterly, 2 vols.; At- 
lantic Monthly, 1 vol.; North American Review, 6^\ T os.; 
and several Nos. of African Repository, and catalogues. 


From Drew Theological Seminary, several books and catalogues. 

Alfred L. Elwyn, a box of John Langdon's commercial 

Mrs. George E. Jenks, State Papers, vols. I-XIII, and 
duplicate of vol. X. 

Allan Folger, various reports and magazines. 

Mrs. Isaac K. Gage, map of New Hampshire, 1784. 

Samuel L. Gerould, Public Opinion, 11 vols.; Panoplist, 
vol. 1, and miscellaneous pamphlets. 

Benjamin A. Kimball, Atlantic Monthly, 298 Nos. 

John Kimball, Harper's Monthly, 27 Nos.; Century, 6 
Nos.; Missionary Herald, 6 vols.; and 72 miscellaneous 

Mrs. Asa McFarland, Congregationalist, 2 vols.; Ameri- 
can Missionary, 2 vols.; Life and Light, 7 vols.; and 
Missionary Herald, 6 vols. 

Seth W. Miner, annual reports, Lyman, 7 Nos. 

Mr. Holyoke college, books and catalogues, 61. 

Oberlin college, Church History, catalogues, and pam- 
phlets, 64. 

Office of Minister of Justice, Ottawa, Canada, Canadian 
Archives, 5 vols. 

Charles T. Page, Christian Union, 43 vols.; several imper- 
fect vols. Missionary Herald, American Missionary and 
Home Missionary, and 30 miscellaneous pamphlets. 

Royal Academy, Stockholm, Sweden, magazines and 
plates, 57 Nos. 

State, Soldiers and Sailors in the War of the Rebellion, 
and State Papers, 50 copies each, and Histories of the 
Second and Ninth Regiments, 5 each. 

Charles L. Tappan, Congregational Quarterly, 66 Nos. 

Vermont University, books and catalogues. 

Mrs. J. B. Walker, three baskets of African Repositories 
and various missionary publications. 

E. R. Wilkins, Zion's Herald, 3 vols., bound. 

Claudius B. Webster, The Dartmouth, 22 Nos., and The 
Outlook, 2 vols. 

We have also received the following volumes by gift : 

From Mrs. Nancy S. Dudley, the Dudley Family. 

Warren R. Cochrane, History of Francestown. 
John T. Hassam, The Hassam, Hilton, and Cheever Fam- 
Charles R. Keyes, Missouri Survey, 5 vols. ^ 

Zebina Moses, The Moses Family. 


From Estate of George Olcott, Illustrated History of Charles- 
town, N. H., 2 vols. 

George A. Pillsbury, Fires of Minnesota. 

Miss E. W. Sargent, Hitchcock's Analysis of the Bible, 
and History of Londonderry. 

James A. Searight, The Searight Family. 

Selectmen of Claremont, History of Claremont. 

Henry B. Wicom, Goffstown Annual Reports, 25 consec- 
utive years. 


By direction of the Library Committee, the following books 
and magazines have been purchased : 

American Historical Review, $3.00 

Americans of Royal Descent, 10.00 

Books of George E. Littlefield, 12.60 

Dartmouth Class Book, 1853, 2.50 

History of Manchester, Mass., 1.50 

History of Scottish Civilization, 4 vols., 5.00 

History of Windham, 8.00 

Facsimile Letter of Columbus, .25 

Lincoln's Assassination — Official, 3.75 

History of Deerfield, Mass., 2 vols., 9.00 

Magazine of American History, 6 Nos., 2.10 

Milford Centennial, .50 

Munsell's Index to Genealogies, 3.60 

Record Books, 1.00 

Rowley, Mass., Records, vol. 1, 2.00 

Vassar College Souvenir, 1.00 

New Hampshire Register, 1896, .25 

Whitney Genealogy, 10.00 

Worcester, Mass., Records, 19.00 

Total $9S-°S 


Soldiers and Sailors in the War of the Re- 
bellion, 3 copies, 16-15 
Collections and Proceedings, 20 vols., 4 x -99 
Bound volumes of Proceedings in Exchange, 5.00 

Total, $63.14 


More than a hundred duplicate numbers of the North Amer- 
ican Review, through the courtesy of the Boston Book Company, 
have been exchanged for an equal number to fill up gaps in the 
completion of our set. 

Also, by the gift of Hon. B. A. Kimball, our file of the Atlan- 
tic Monthly approximates completion. 

The following magazines and newspapers are regularly re- 
ceived from the publishers, except the Daily Advertiser, from 
Hon. T- B. Walker :. 

American Historical Review, by purchase, 

Book Reviews, 

Canaan Reporter, 

Contoocook Independent, 

Exeter Gazette, 

Granite Monthly, 

Daily Advertiser, 

Littleton Courier, 


Merrimack jfournal, 

New England Historical and Genealogical Register, 

Official Gazette, Patent Office, 

Printer's Ink, 

Somersworth Eree Press, 

Weekly News, 

Weekly Patriot. 


The binding of the year includes 39 volumes of newspapers 
and 120 volumes of books. 

It may be proper here to say that we have a large collection 
of newspapers and pamphlets which need to be bound for their 
better preservation. 

During the year the patrons and visitors of the library have 
averaged 109 per month. 

Respectfully submitted : 

N. F. Carter, 


The report of the librarian was accepted and ordered to be 
placed on file. 

On motion of John C. Thorne, the Standing Committee was 
authorized to complete the shelving in the vault of the Spciety. 

The report of the Secretary as to membership was presented, 


showing the whole number of members at the beginning of the 
year to be 180. During the year, sixteen new members have 
been voted in, but only nine have qualified. Five have died, 
leaving the present membership 184. 

Following the report of the Secretary, W. P. Fiske, in the 
absence of the chairman, Hon. J. C. A. Hill, made a verbal 
report for the Standing Committee. 

Rev. N. F. Carter then made a report for the Committee of 
Publication, recommending the publication of the proceedings of 
the Society from the date of the last issue to the present time. 

On motion of Rev. C. L. Tappan, the Committee were author- 
ized to carry such recommendation into effect. 

Hon. J. B. Walker, for the Special Committee appointed to 
secure a seal for the Society, reported progress, and asked for 
further time, which was granted. 

The name of Prof. H. D. Foster of Hanover was presented 
by the membership committee for resident member of the 
Society, and he was accordingly elected. 

On motion of Rev. C. L. Tappan, it was 

Voted, That a committee be appointed to nominate a list of 
officers for the ensuing year. The chair appointed 

Rev. C. L. Tappan, 

Hon. J. B. Walker, 

Hon. Ezra S. Stearns, 
for such committee. 

After retiring for consultation the committee reported the 
following names for the respective offices : 

Pre side ?it. 
Hon. Benjamin A. Kimball. 


Hon. George L. Balcom, 
Hon. Lyman D. Stevens. 

Recording Secretary. 
John C. Ordway. *" 



• Corresponding Secretary. 
Hon. A. S. Batchellor. 

William P. Fiske. 

Rev. N. F. Carter. 

Eli E. Graves, M. D. 

Hon. J. B. Walker. 

Standing Committee. 

Hon. J. C. A. Hill, 
Hon. John Kimball, 
William P. Fiske. 

Library Committee. 

Hon. Amos Hadley, 
Rev. Charles L. Tappan, 
Mrs. Frances C. Stevens. 

Publication Committee. 

Hon. Albert S. Wait, 
Rev. N. F. Carter, 
Hon. Ezra S. Stearns. 

On motion of Col. J. E. Pecker, it was 

Voted, That the annual Field-day be observed by a trip to 
Laconia and the vicinity of Lake Winnipiseogee. 

On motion of Hon. Woodbridge Odlin, the committee of last 
year, Col. J. E. Pecker, Hon. B. A. Kimball, and John C 
Thorne, was reappointed with power to add associates, and the 
committee was further requested to provide badges, and confine 


the attendance to members of the Society, their families, and 
personally invited friends. 

On motion of Hon. Amos Hadley, it was 

Voted, That the annual tax of three dollars be levied upon 
members for the ensuing year. 

On motion of Judge Sylvester Dana, it was 

Voted, That the selection of orator for the next annual 
meeting be left with Standing Committee. 

Voted, That Rev. N. F. Carter be a committee to confer with 
the Trustees of the Orphans' Home at Franklin to see if the 
date of holding the annual meeting of that Society cannot be 
changed so as not to conflict with the time fixed by the Constitu- 
tion for the annual meeting of this Society. 

Opportunity being given, Rev. Alfred Langdon Elwyn of 
Portsmouth presented the Society valuable manuscripts belong- 
ing to the late John Langdon Elwyn relating to the Langdon 
and other prominent Portsmouth families, and the Society voted 
to accept the same with a grateful appreciation of the honor 
conferred, and a vote of thanks to the donor. The manuscripts 
were received to be placed for preservation in the vault of the 
Society. Mr. Elwyn, who was present, gave an interesting 
account of the manuscripts and the author, and other objects of 
historic interest in Portsmouth. 

On motion of Hon. Amos Hadley, it was 

Voted, That the committee on new members of last year, 
Rev. N. F. Carter, 
Col. J. E. Pecker, 
John C. Ordway, 
be continued another year. 

The President then introduced to the Society Hon. Albert S. 
Wait of Newport, who delivered the annual address on " The 
Life, Character, and Public Services of Governor William 
Plumer" : 


William Plumer, whose name is among the most distinguished 
in New Hampshire history, was descended from an ancient family 
residing in the west of England. He was the fifth in descent 


from Francis Plumer, whose name appears in the records of 
Boston as early as May 14, 1634; who the year following that 
date settled permanently in the township of Newbury, Mass., 
and is said to be the common ancestor of all bearing the name 
now widely dispersed throughout the North American states. 

William, the subject of our sketch, was the eldest of six chil- 
dren born to Samuel and Mary (Dole) Plumer, who, on their 
marriage in April, 1755, settled in what is now Newburyport, 
and he was born there on the 25th day of June, in the year of 
grace, 1759. At the age of nine years, namely, in 1768, his 
father, having acquired a moderate competency in a mechanical 
calling, removed with his family to Epping, New Hampshire, 
where he devoted himself to agricultural pursuits during the 
remainder of his life. William possessed a comparatively slen- 
der constitution, and in his youth seems to have been disin- 
clined to those athletic sports which are delighted in by young 
men of firm constitutions and capable of continued physical 
endurance. As he grew towards manhood, however, he dis- 
covered an inclination to the study of books, was superior to 
others of his age in his studies at school, and, as his mind de- 
veloped with advancing years, he gave evidence of the posses- 
sion of mental powers of a higher order than the average of 
young men of the surrounding community. At the school 
which he attended he was, many years afterwards, represented 
by one who attended with him, as " learning faster and more 
easily than any of his mates, and as going far before them in all 
that was taught there." " He excelled in arithmetic," says his 
biographer, " and would sometimes carry up to the master a 
sum of his own stating. The teacher, after looking at it for a 
while, would say, ' I am busy now, but will show you how it is 
done some other time.' As the time never came, and the boy 
was himself able to do the sum, his companions were not long 
in coming to the conclusion that he knew more than the 

Before his removal from Newburyport to Epping, his father 
was strongly advised by his teacher, and also the clergyman of 
the parish, to give William the advantages of a college educa- 
tion. The advice was not followed, however, the reason as- 


signed being, besides the inadequacy of the parent's means, 
that he had already devoted his son to agricultural pursuits. 
His school advantages were limited to a term of not more than 
ten or twelve weeks each year, and these were wholly discon- 
tinued before he reached the age of seventeen. His mind was 
therefore left to its own inherent capabilities for its develop- 
ment, and we can only conjecture what, with academic advan- 
tages, would have been the achievements of mental powers 
which without them accomplished so much. 

" Books," it is said, " now became the greatest object of his 
desire, and were from that time his never-failing companions." 
Possessing few of his own, he availed himself of the kindness 
of his neighbors and friends, who, with the minister of the 
parish, loaned him such as they possessed. This was a scanty 
supply, and he soon exhausted it, the effect being to widen his 
mental horizon and awaken a more ardent desire to grasp what 
he became sensible lay beyond. If he heard of a book, 
although miles away, and possessed by a person he had never 
seen, he would allow himself no rest till he had visited the 
owner and obtained its loan, often going great distances on 
foot for the purpose. His earnest and youthful ingenuousness 
of manner on those occasions always gained him admission to 
the favor of the possessor of the coveted treasure, and never 
going away with his wish ungratified, " he remembered with 
gratitude to the close of life these early benefactors." Aside 
from the holy Bible, which he read through and through in the 
daily family service, we are not informed as to the books in 
particular which he thus read, excepting the Morals of Epicte- 
tus, a copy of which (an English translation, of course,) his 
father possessed. This, as all others, he studied assiduously, 
and made himself thoroughly acquainted with its contents, and 
this being among the books of his earliest reading, and while 
he had few others, "gave," it is said, "by its lessons of severe 
virtue and stern endurance, something of a stoical turn, heathen 
rather than Christian, to his cast of thought, strictness of 
moral principle, and an energy and decision of character 
which remained with him to the close of life." Again jays his 
biographer : " It cannot be doubted that these two books, long 


and almost exclusively studied, entered largely into the forma- 
tion of his moral character, and molded strongly the peculi- 
arity of his mind." To one acquainted with his after life, the 
impression is hardly to be avoided, that some of the strongly 
marked features of his character were the result of early im- 
pressions communicated to his mind from these two sources. 

Although less than sixteen years of age at the opening of the 
Revolution, he took much interest in the events and discussions 
which led to it, and was an ardent sympathizer in the American 
cause. On the 17th of June, 1775, while employed in the 
field, although nearly fifty miles away, he distinctly heard the 
cannon of the British at Bunker Hill. At the second discharge, 
he left his work and joined his neighbors, assembled for consul- 
tation at the meeting-house. Following Lexington, as it did, 
no doubt was entertained as to the cause, and the next morning 
several of the townsmen marched for Boston. Young Plumer 
desired to make one of the party, but his father, who, although 
in sympathy with the earlier opposition to the arbitrary measures 
of the British crown and parliament, had no faith in the success 
of armed resistance, asserted his parental authority, and re- 
fused his assent, and, as a consequence, William never joined 
the Revolutionary army, but remained at home during the entire 
struggle for independence. 

Mr. Plumer's attention was drawn early to the subject of re- 
ligion, and he speculated upon it with independence and more 
or less profoundness, but he appears to have adopted no settled 
religious views until the spring of the year 1779. Prior to that 
time, a Baptist church had been established in the three towns 
of Epping, Brentwood, and Stratham, of which his father had 
become a member, and the meetings of which the son naturally 
attended. At this time there was a series of meetings held by 
the pastor of this church, one Samuel Shepherd, and under his 
preaching there occurred what was then called a reformation, 
or revival. Young Plumer attended these meetings, was greatly 
moved by the powerful preaching of the minister, became con- 
verted to his doctrines, experienced a religious hope, and, with 
twenty others, was baptized by immersion. In the spriijg of 
1780, from a conviction of duty he entered upon the ministry, 



and, besides Epping, he visited other parts of the state, preach- 
ing to numerous and attentive congregations, and with marked 
effect. Attentive study and sober reflection, however, wrought 
a change in his views, and he thereupon abandoned the min- 
istry and returned to labor on his father's farm. This episode 
in his career is narrated by himself in a most interesting and 
graphic manner, in a paper which has been preserved, and is 
published in the account of his life by his son, William Plumer, 
Junior. Both his father and mother were deeply disappointed 
at this change, and earnestly desired that he should continue 
a preacher, but he felt it inconsistent with the views he had 
been led more lately to adopt, and therefore persisted in his 
change of purpose. 

He now devoted himself for a time to manual labor, though, 
from his tastes for learned pursuits, coupled with a feeble con- 
dition of health, it was unwelcome and irksome to his sensibili- 
ties, and much of his time was devoted to the acquisition of 
knowledge and an interest in the politics of the state and nation 
in their unsettled condition consequent upon the pending Rev- 

The constitutional convention assembled in 1781, having sent 
to the people of the state the instrument which received their 
ratification in 1783, Mr. Plumer early in 1782 wrote for publi- 
cation a communication in which he strongly opposed the re- 
ligious tests of the proposed constitution. The publisher of 
the paper to which it was offered, not being in sympathy with 
the views expressed, refused to print it until he paid him three 
dollars for the work. While the instrument was still before the 
people, he wrote another address, enforcing the same views, 
which was published in 1783, and in September of the same 
year, being chairman of a committee for the purpose, he 
brought the subject, in a written report, before the people of 
his town. 

So highly had he come to be esteemed by his townsmen, 
that in March, 1783, he was chosen one of the selectmen of 
Epping, and held the office by successive elections for many 
subsequent years, managing the affairs of the town with pru- 
dence and sagacity, and much to the satisfaction of the people. 


The direction of affairs seems to have been chiefly confided to 
him, one of his colleagues saying to him, " We will hold the 
candle, squire, and you must do the work." For his services 
in the office his charges were three shillings per day, which 
were payable in town orders at twenty-rive to fifty per cent, dis- 
count. " He never, however," it is said, " regretted as lost or 
misapplied the time devoted to these services. They made him 
acquainted with the people, gave him business habits, and pre- 
pared him for more important duties." 

Dissatisfied with the life of a manual laborer, and convinced 
that he possessed powers of intellect capable of winning suc- 
cess in a profession, he at length determined to adopt that of 
the law, and in May, 1784, he entered as a student the office of 
Joshua Atherton, of Amherst, a lawyer of ability, and after- 
wards attorney-general of the state. He was the father of 
Charles H. Atherton, and grandfather of the late distinguished 
senator, Charles G. Atherton. On entering the office, Mr. 
Plumer was given as the first text-book for his study Coke upon 
Littleton. This proved too much for him, as it has for many 
another even better prepared for it by previous training in the 
schools, and, after a few weeks, he threw it down in disgust and 
returned to his father's house, determined, however, to resume 
the study under some other teacher. 

His parents had from the first been averse to his becoming 
a lawyer, and their prejudices, especially those of his father, 
against the profession, now became so decided that he for some 
time hesitated to resume the study. While thus at home he 
was in March, 1785, elected to represent his town in the gen- 
eral court of the state. There were three sessions of the body 
during the year. In the first of these he was attentive to the 
transactions, but took little part in the debates. At the second 
session there was a bill introduced for the recovery of small 
debts in an expeditious manner. Against this bill he entered 
his protest, " singly and alone," he says, principally on the 
ground that it was unconstitutional. The court afterwards so 
pronounced it, thus vindicating his superior judgment, and the 
law was repealed by the next legislature. ^ 

He now returned to his purpose of entering the profession 


of the law, but only in case he could obtain the parental con- 
sent. This, although with much reluctance, was finally ac- 
corded, and on November 14, 1785, after the close of the ses- 
sion of the legislature, he entered the office of John Prentice, 
Esq., of Londonderry, this time commencing with Blackstone's 
Commentaries, which, as with students in general, he found 
better adapted to his tastes and more easily to be mastered. 
The third session of the legislature, to which he had been 
elected, occurred in February, 1786, and, taking his seat in it, he 
this time bore an active part, displaying those talents which 
later in life made him so conspicuous a figure and gave him 
such commanding influence in public affairs. He then re- 
turned to his law studies. 

During this period some scenes of disorder occurred among 
the people in some parts of the state, consequent upon the 
unsettled condition of affairs following the War of the Revolu- 
tion, in the allaying of which Mr. Plumer took an active part, 
but the details of which must, in a sketch like the present, be 
necessarily passed over. 

The court being in session at Exeter in November, 1787, the 
bar, without any previous examination, and, without his knowl- 
edge, recommended him to the court for admission to practice, 
and he was accordingly at that time admitted. He thereupon 
returned to Epping, where he opened an office and entered 
upon the practice of the profession. His acquired experience 
in public affairs, and the wide circle of acquaintances which 
he had made, insured him a considerable business from the 
first, and it soon became extensive, increasing during all the 
years of his active practice at the bar. 

In February, 1788, he was married to Miss Sally Fowler, 
whose charms had some time before captivated his heart. She 
was the only daughter of Mr. Philip Fowler, a respectable far- 
mer of Newmarket. She was a lady of much beauty, and of a 
most amiable character, and the union proved one of unbroken 
happiness through many enduring years. She survived him for 
the space of fifteen months. 

The great question now before the people, both of-the. state 
and nation, was the adoption of the federal constitution, the 


draft of which had been agreed upon by the convention as- 
sembled at Philadelphia. It is familiar to our day, that opinion 
was greatly divided, many thinking the powers it proposed to 
concede to the federal government encroached too much upon 
the sovereignty of the several states, and were fraught with 
danger to the public liberties. In these views Mr. Plumer did 
not share, and he was an earnest advocate for the adoption of 
the proposed constitution, devoting much of his time and all 
his energies, to discussions of the subject. He was a candidate 
for delegate to the convention to be chosen to decide the ques- 
tion for New Hampshire ; but the sentiment in Epping opposed 
to the ratification largely preponderated, and he was not elected. 
The convention met at Exeter on the 13th of February, 1788, 
when there appeared to be a majority of the delegates inclined 
to vote against the adoption of the proposed federal plan. 
After a session of ten days, however, an adjournment was 
agreed upon, and again assembling at Concord on the 21st of 
the following June, after much discussion the convention finally 
agreed to the ratification on the part of New Hampshire, which 
being the ninth state so to decide, was the decisive act which 
consummated the Federal Union. 

Notwithstanding the prevailing sentiment of the people of 
Epping against his federal sentiments, Mr. Plumer was, in March, 
1788, elected to represent his town in the legislature of that 
year. Taking his seat in the house, he was active and influen- 
tial, speaking often, though never at great length, and always 
confining himself strictly to the question under discussion. 
The proposed federal constitution having been finally ratified 
by the requisite number of states, it devolved upon this legis- 
lature to choose two senators to represent the state in the con- 
gress of the United States. A difference of opinion arose as 
to the manner of making the choice, some holding that it should 
be by the two houses meeting in convention, and upon a joint 
ballot, while others contended that it should be by a concurrent 
vote of the two houses acting separately. Mr. Plumer held the 
latter opinion, which finally prevailed, and established the prac- 
tice which has ever since followed. At the presidential election in 
the following November, no electors for New Hampshire were 



chosen by the popular vote, and, by the law of the state, the 
election thereupon devolving upon the legislature at its session 
in December, a question arose similar to that relating to the 
choice of senators. An extended and animated discussion fol- 
lowed, Mr. Plumer contending for the method previously 
adopted. He was finally successful, as in the former case, 
which gave him a very marked prominence, not only as an able 
debater, but as a shrewd and successful manager. 

In 1789, Epping sent no representative to the legislature, but 
in March, 1790, Mr. Plumer was unanimously elected to repre- 
sent the town. He was again elected in 1791, and in the latter 
year he was chosen speaker of the house. A convention having 
been called in that year to revise the constitution of the state, 
he was elected also a member of that body. Among other acts 
in this convention, he made a motion to abolish the requirement 
of the old constitution that persons in order to hold office 
should be " of the Protestant religion." It was finally adopted by 
the convention, but it failed of ratification by the people, the 
popular vote for it, although a majority, being less than two 
thirds. It was largely by his exertions that the provision was 
inserted in the constitution framed by this convention, that " No 
member of the general court shall take fees, or be of counsel or 
act as an advocate before either branch of the legislature ; " and 
also the one excluding from seats in the legislature persons 
holding offices under the United States. Regarding his services 
and influence in this convention, we transcribe the following 
from the biography before us, which, although from a source 
necessarily partial, there is every reason to believe is warranted 
by the truth of history, and substantially just: 

"Though there were, in the convention of 1791, many older, 
and, at that time, more distinguished men than he, there was no 
one who took so active a part, or who had greater influence in that 
body. P>y his industry and perseverance, his energy and deci- 
sion, and, above all, by the force and accuracy of his discrimi- 
nating mind, he acquired, before the close of the convention, a 
weight and authority in that body which no other man possessed. 
4 He was,' said Judge Livermore to me, 'by all odds, the most 
influential man in the convention ; so much so, that tho&e who 
disliked the result, called it Plumer's constitution, by way of 


insinuating that it was the work of one man, and not the collec- 
tive wisdom of the whole assembly.' From the journal of the 
convention, it appears that he was on nearly all the most impor- 
tant committees, and chairman of several of them. Several 
reports made by others were drawn up by him. The amend- 
ments were all submitted to him for revision, and such of them 
as he favored received from him their most effective support. 
In the manuscript volume, which remains of the papers and 
documents relating to the convention, there is little, except the 
journal, which is not either in his handwriting, or in that of 
Jeremiah Smith — about three times as much of the former as of 
the latter." 

It is necessary here to state, that Judge Smith, being at the 
same time a member of congress, was present in the convention 
only during the first session, which was only ten days, while Mr. 
Plumer " was present to the end, and busy from the first." 

His labors in this convention and in the legislature of which he 
was at the same time a member, together with his business in the 
courts of law, which, it is said, " was limited in amount only by 
his power of performance," proved too much for his constitution, 
and after his return home he was confined for some time to his 
bed by illness. He therefore determined to abandon public life 
and confine himself to his profession, and in pursuance of this 
purpose he declined an election to the legislature in 1792, and 
during the following six years he held no public office, though 
losing none of his interest in public affairs. 

In March, 1797, however, in his absence, he was again 
elected to the legislature, and on the meeting of that body in 
the following June, he was chosen speaker of the house. The 
next year, 1798, he was again elected to the house, but it was 
thought that he could be more useful on committees and on the 
floor than in the speaker's chair, and accordingly another was 
chosen to that position. Wishing to relinquish politics and 
devote himself to his profession, he declined an election to the 
legislature the next year, but in March, 1S00, he again con- 
sented to an election to the house. He was at this time urged 
by his friends to become a candidate for representative to con- 
gress, but declined on the ground of ill health. He was also 
proposed as a candidate for the Federal senate, but declined that 
also, in favor of his friend James Sheafe, who was elected. 



Resolving now to retire to private life, he thus announced his 
purpose in a letter to a friend, bearing date June 18, 1801 : 
" As a legislator, I now bid you adieu. I have served eight 
years in the general court and one in the convention. I have 
spent no inconsiderable portion of the best years of my life in 
the public service ; and may now, I trust, fairly claim my dis- 
charge, for the present, at least, if not forever." The purpose 
was not destined, however, to be realized. Mr. Sheafe, after 
serving one session in the United States senate, resigned, and 
Mr. Plumer, without his knowledge, and before he was even 
aware of the resignation of Mr. Sheafe, was elected to fill the 
vacant place. He declared that, had he been aware of the 
transaction, he should have declined being a candidate. He 
was, however, not indifferent to the honor thus conferred upon 
him, and finally concluded to accept the position ; and he 
accordingly took his seat in the senate at Washington, on the 
second day of December, 1802. 

Mr. Plumer's political sentiments were, from the first, those of 
the Federal party, and the great ability which he displayed in 
defense of the doctrines and measures of the party, obviously 
designated him for the high position he had now reached. 
Daniel Webster, then a young man, was in Concord at the time 
of his election, and, a short time before his death, stated that 
he well remembered the opinions expressed by the leading 
men there ; " that the new senator was by all odds the ablest 
man in the Federal party ; that it was thought a great object to 
have secured his election, though it was doubted whether he 
would accept ; that his superiority was acknowledged even by 
those who disliked him on account of some favorite measures of 
theirs which he had defeated ; that the opposition nominated 
Nicholas Gilman, who, though not an avowed Republican, was 
less Federal than his brother, the governor; but that Mr. 
Humer was elected on the first trial by a strong majority in 
both houses." But, though a Federalist in sentiment, acting 
with that party on all leading measures throughout his senatorial 
term, he was influenced far less by that spirit of party rancor 
which generally prevailed amongst members of both hojjses of 
congress at that period, and he labored to introduce habits of 



personal intercourse and courteous demeanor among them irre- 
spective of party distinctions. In this he so far succeeded, it is 
said, that " before the close of the session, he was upon speak- 
ing terms with nearly all the members of both houses, and inti- 
mate with many of the most distinguished of both parties." 

Our limits will not admit of an account of his action in the 
senate upon the many important measures which came before it 
while he was a member ; it must suffice to say, that by his ability 
and his manner throughout his term, he did honor to his state 
as a constituent member of the Union, and contributed his full 
proportion towards upholding the interests and honor of the 
nation, as well at home as abroad. His senatorial services 
closed with the session of congress on March 3, 1807, the 
Republicans having gained the ascendancy in the state, and 
elected Nahum Parker his successor. 

He now returned to New Hampshire, fully believing his 
public career finally ended ; and, not inclined to return to the 
active practice of the law, he formed the design of writing a his- 
tory of the United States, from the discovery by Columbus to 
the close of Mr. Jefferson's administration. To the composi- 
tion of such a work he devoted himself for a time, collecting 
material, and making such progress as, had it not been inter- 
rupted, promised the production of a work of importance to the 
political, as well as the literary world, and a lasting monument 
to his industry and ability. 

Late in the year 1806 and during that of 1807, occurred the 
famous British Orders in Council, and the Berlin and Milan 
Decrees of the Emperor Napoleon, besides also the attack on 
the American ship Chesapeake. The combined influence of 
these occurrences upon our commerce, as well as our American 
pride and self-respect, was such as to awaken a high degree of 
resentment in the minds of most of the American people. The 
sense of their gravity was such, as, in the minds of many reflect- 
ing men, to call for a modification, if not an entire change, of 
political sentiment, and by a large number it was deemed that 
true patriotism justified a change in party affiliations. Mr. 
Plumer found himself much in sympathy with these sentiments. 
He felt that the Federal party had not only outlived its useful- 



ness, but, under the influence of repeated defeats and exclusion 
from office, had allowed itself to espouse unpatriotic and unwar- 
rantable views of public policy, and his impartial mind disap- 
proved their indiscriminate opposition to all the measures of the 
national administration. It is not to be forgotten, moreover, 
that the Republicans had, under the responsibilities of office, 
abandoned, silently, indeed, some positions which they had 
occupied, finding them, when charged with the administration of 
public affairs, because impracticable, to be untenable. Follow- 
ing the dictates of his better judgment, Mr. Plumer found him- 
self, at length, acting with the Republican party, and against 
his old associates, the Federalists, and at the election of mem- 
bers of congress in August, 1808, he voted for the Republican 
candidates, and at the presidential election in the following 
November, he voted for the Madison electors. 

As the state election of March, 1810, approached, his new 
friends came to feel that he was of such importance to their 
success that they put him in nomination as their candidate for 
senator. He was unwilling to enter again the field of party 
politics, but the unanimous call of the party with which he had 
now become identified, finally overcame his scruples, and he 
consented to accept the nomination. The canvass was an 
animated one, and, it is necessary to say, the Federalists were 
especially anxious to accomplish the defeat of the man who, 
having acted with them for so many years and received office 
and honors at their hands, had left their ranks and gone over, as 
they put it, to the enemy. The rancor poured upon him was 
bitter and unrelenting, and no effort was spared to compass his 
overthrow. " He received," said Nahum Parker, his successor 
in the national senate, " as many curses as a scapegoat could 
wag with." He was elected, however, by a triumphant majority, 
as was also the Republican ticket in general, with majorities in 
all the branches of the state government. 

On the meeting of the legislature in the following June, he 
was chosen president of the senate — " an office," says his 
biographer, u whose duties he discharged to the entire satisfac- 
tion of that body, from which he received, at the close^of the 
session, a unanimous vote of thanks." 


As the state election of 181 1 approached, Mr. Plumer was 
urged by his friends, and also by Governor Langdon, who 
wished to retire from office, to allow himself to be made the 
candidate of the Republicans for governor. To this proposal 
he declined his assent, and at his urgent request Langdon, 
much against his own feelings, consented once more to accept 
the nomination. He was elected in the following March, and 
Mr. Plumer was again elected to the senate, which, on meeting 
in June, chose him a second time president. In his journal, 
under date of June 19, he writes : 

I had two questions, to-day, to decide in the senate, in which 
the earnest requests of my friends were opposed to what I 
thought my duty. In both, I voted according to my own judg- 
ment. I cannot consent either to acquire or hold office by so 
base a tenure as the sacrifice of my opinions ; and those who 
expect it from me will be disapponted. It, in general, requires 
less information to discover our duty, than firmness to per- 
form it. 

A Republican caucus, held during the session of the legisla- 
ture, unanimously nominated Governor Langdon as the candi- 
date of the party for another election, but this time he posi- 
tively declined. Some days after this, a meeting was held, 
which unanimously nominated Mr. Plumer for the office. He 
had neither sought nor desired the nomination, and at first he 
expressed some unwillingness to accept it, but at length con- 
cluded not to decline it. The candidate of the Federalists was 
John Taylor Gilman, who had been elected to the office several 
times while his party was in the ascendant, a man of refined 
and dignified manners well becoming the high office, and in 
every way suited to the discharge of its duties. The opposition 
to Mr. Plumer was intensified by the recollection of his having 
once been the leader of the Federalists of the state, and although 
he was assailed on other grounds, this was the chief considera- 
tion urged against him throughout the canvass. The Federal- 
ists were reminded by the Republicans that, as there was no 
office which they once thought too good for him, they could not 
wonder that the Republicans, now that he acted witlj. them, 
should think equally well of him. When the election took place 


in the following March, there was no choice of governor by the 
popular vote. The legislature elected at the same time, how- 
ever, had a majority of Republicans in both branches, and when 
it assembled in the following June, Mr. Plumer was elected on 
a joint ballot of the two houses, by one hundred and four votes 
against eighty-two for Governor Gilman. He was waited upon 
by a committee of the legislature at his house in Epping, and 
informed of his election. The following, from his journal of the 
date June 5, is interesting, not only as a personal reminiscence, 
but as a reminder of the great changes which the sequences of 
less than a century have wrought : 

After taking breakfast, I rode with them on horseback to 
Concord. At Nottingham we were met by Gen. Butler and 
Col. Cilley, with about twenty gentlemen, who escorted us to 
Deerfield. There I was importuned to wait for a company of 
cavalry; but my time was not my own, and duty forbade delay. 
About a dozen gentlemen escorted me from thence to Epsom, 
where I met Gov. Langdon. When he took leave of me, he 
was much affected ; tears filled his eyes and impeded his utter- 
ance. Having dined at my sister's, I mounted my horse, accom- 
panied by some twenty gentlemen. Two miles from thence, I 
was met by about eighty more on horseback. The first six were 
mounted on gray horses, followed by the marshal of the day, 
and the sheriffs of Strafford and Rockingham. I came next to 
them with two captains of the United States army, one on each 
side, and after me the remainder of the escort. On passing the 
bridge at Concord, we were met by an additional escort. The 
procession proceeded to Baker's tavern, where we arrived at four 
in the afternoon. I ordered refreshments for all who attended. 
The day was favorable to the journey; and though I had not, 
for many years, rode so far in one day on horseback, I was less 
fatigued than I had expected. 

His inauguration as governor took place only a few days 
before the declaration of war by the Federal government against 
Great Britain, and the domestic interests of the state were over- 
shadowed and nearly lost sight of, in view of the wider interests 
it affected and the sentiments it awakened. Unlike the gov- 
ernors of Massachusetts and Connecticut, who refused compli- 
ance with the requisition of the president for calling out the 
militia of their states in aid of the American cause, he promptly, 



on receiving it, issued orders in conformity with the requisition, 
and in all his official conduct afforded aid and encouragement 
to the national administration. This course intensified the hos- 
tility of the Federalists, and was not so universally pleasing to 
his own party but that it was criticised by some, and so far dis- 
heartened others in their enthusiasm in his favor, that the next 
year he was defeated, his opponent, Governor Gilman, being 
elected by a small majority. In a letter to President Madison, 
written soon after the election, he attributed the result of the 
canvass to the absence in the army of a sufficient number of 
Republicans to have turned it in his favor, had they been at 
the polls. 

The Federalists held the power in the state during the whole 
continuance of the war, each year electing Governor Gilman ; 
but after it was over, in March, 1818, they found themselves 
again in the minority, and Governor Plumer was then elected to 
the office by a majority of 2,326 over James Sheafe, the oppos- 
ing candidate. 

While the Federalists held the ascendancy in the state, in 
order to get rid of the judges of the courts, who were Republi- 
cans, and place men of their own party upon the bench, by an 
act of the legislature they abolished the then system of courts, 
and established a supreme court and a court of common pleas, 
supplying the new courts with judges of their own appointment. 
Of the new supreme court, Jeremiah Smith was appointed chief 
justice, and Arthur Livermore and Caleb Ellis, associate jus- 
tices, all very able and learned lawyers, capable of gracing any 
judicial bench in the land. But no personal merit, however 
adorned by learned accomplishments, could with the Republi- 
cans sanctify a bench thus created, or atone for preferments so 
acquired ; and no sooner was the new state administration in- 
augurated than the late system of courts was abolished and the 
former system substantially restored. For the courts now estab- 
lished, Governor Plumer, against the protests of the Republican 
members of the council, who were three in number against two 
Federalists, insisted that a portion of the judges to be appointed 
should be of the latter party. 

Much difficulty arose in consequence, in agreeing upon the 


x 35 

appointments to be made, and then all but one of the Federal- 
ists to whom places were offered refused to accept them. One 
of these, to evince his contempt for the party presuming to con- 
fer office upon him, nailed up his commission in a drinkin°- 
shop, thus to expose it to public derision. The judges finally 
agreed upon for the superior court were William M. Richardson, 
chief justice, and Samuel Bell and Levi Woodbury, associates. 
The court thus constituted vindicated the wisdom and cool 
judgment of the executive in the selections made, and by the 
accurate learning and profound judgment of these men the ju- 
risprudence of the state reached a higher level than it had before 
attained. The publication of the reports of judicial decisions 
began in New Hampshire with this court, and its judgments 
thus promulgated have from the first been everywhere accorded 
a weight of authority not inferior to any tribunal of the country. 
In his journal, referring to the subject of the appointment of 
these judges, the governor says : 

These appointments have relieved me from much anxiety. 
Our courts of law were never before tilled by men so well quali- 
fied for their places as are the present judges. I have had great 
trouble, and incurred great odium ; but the intolerance of others 
has been, and shall be, no rule for me. My liberality gains me 
no credit with either party. But I will do my duty ; and when 
I retire to private life, I shall enjoy a richer reward than that 
of office. 

His independent action in several matters arising before the 
executive, offended some of his Republican friends, and it was 
feared by some that the favor of the party would be withdrawn 
from him. When, however, in December, 1816, a meeting was 
held for the nomination of a candidate for governor to be voted 
for in the following March, of ninety-three votes cast, all but 
seven were for Governor Plumer, thus showing that his course 
was approved by the great body of those who had previously 
been his supporters. At the election he received a majority of 
over three thousand of the popular vote. The year which fol- 
lowed was a quiet and uneventful one in the politics of the state, 
though it is memorable in the jurisprudence of both the state 
and nation, for the commencement, in the state court, of the 


suit which opened the great Dartmouth College controversy, so 
important in its influence upon the educational interests of New 
Hampshire, and so wide in its consequences by the settlement 
of one of the great doctrines of federal constitutional law. 

In 1 8 18 he was again elected governor, and this time by a 
majority of over six thousand in the popular vote. In his mes- 
sage to the legislature of this year, he discussed at much length 
the subject of imprisonment for debt, and urged the modifica- 
tion of the law so as to limit materially the cases allowing such 
imprisonments, and lessening their hardships in those cases 
where it should be permitted to continue. He evidently 
intended these as first steps toward the entire abolishment of 
the system, and it was not many years before the purpose was 
fully realized, and New Hampshire relieved from this relic of 
the imperfect civilization of former times. 

Before meeting the legislature in June of this year, he had 
made up his mind not to continue longer in office, and he made 
this known to his Republican friends. He was, however, at a 
full meeting, unanimously renominated as their candidate, but, 
on being informed of this, he declined the honor, and Judge 
Bell was then put in nomination as his successor. He was 
strongly urged to accept a nomination for United States senator, 
an election for which was then about to be made. He declined 
this also, but notwithstanding, when the election took place, 
many votes were cast for him. There is little reason to doubt, 
that had he consented to it, he might have been elected with 
great unanimity. But his health, never firm, had become still 
more impaired by the cares and responsibilities of office, and he 
longed for that rest and that quiet which private life could alone 
afford. At the close of his official year, in June, 18 19, he 
assisted, as his last official acts, in organizing the legislature, 
and in inducting his successor, Judge Bell, into office. He then 
took formal leave of the two houses by a message in which he 
referred to his course in office, and made an exposition of the 
views and principles which had governed his action. In closing 
he said, among other things : 

I never accepted office for its emoluments. The great -abject 
of my official labors has been to promote the interest and pros- 


perity of the state, not those of any religious sect or political 
party. I have, whenever they came in collision, preferred the 
public to my private interest ; and been more anxious to serve 
than to please the people. But how far my efforts have suc- 
ceeded, it is for others to decide. I am satisfied with the 
honors of office, without being disgusted with its duties ; and 
having rendered this account of my administration, I retire to 
private life, to share, in common with my fellow-citizens, the 
effects, prosperous or adverse, of my official measures. 

His friends desired to form an escort to attend him to his 
home. But this honor he declined, " as undesirable to him 
while in office, and improper now that he was a private citizen." 
But many of the leading men of both political parties accom- 
panied him a short distance from Concord, and then he parted 
from them, not without strong emotions, and took his way, 
attended by his eldest son and biographer, to that home which 
was to be the retreat of his declining years. From this he was 
never afterwards withdrawn, except for a single day. In 1820, 
he was chosen one of the presidential electors, his name having 
been placed at the head of the ticket of his party without con- 
sulting him as to how he would cast his vote. He was dis- 
satisfied with some of the acts of President Monroe's first 
administration, and so expressed himself. Acting now from a 
high sense of public duty, and exercising the same degree of 
independence which had distinguished his whole public life, 
although every other vote of the entire electoral college was cast 
for Mr. Monroe, Governor Plumer declined to be of the number, 
and cast his vote for John Quincy Adams. The act called forth 
many criticisms at the time, but no one ever questioned the 
honesty of the motive by which it was prompted. 

In order not to break the continuity of our account of Gov- 
ernor Plumer as a public man, we have thus far made little 
reference to his professional and private career. These were 
quite as remarkable as was his public life, and without some 
account of them this sketch would be far from complete, and 
would fail to satisfy the just requirements of the interested 

When he entered the office of Mr. Prentice as a student, the 
law library of that gentleman, probably in its number of volumes 


and general scope about a fair average with those of the lead- 
ing lawyers of the state, consisted of " Blackstone's Commen- 
taries," " Wood's Institutes of the Laws of England," " Haw- 
kins's Pleas of the Crown," "Jacob's Law Dictionary," Sal- 
keld's, Lord Raymond's, and Strange's Reports ; the " New 
Hampshire Statutes," and a manuscript volume of " Pleas and 
Declarations," — in all, as then published, probably not over 
eighteen or twenty volumes. They contained, however, the 
great body of the English law, as it then stood, and the expan- 
sion of which, legislation aside, and its application to constantly 
growing interests and ever increasing complications in business 
relations, constitutes the body of the law, both English and 
American, of to-day. These books he studied thoroughly, mas- 
tering their principles and acquiring a clear comprehension of 
their doctrines. And this came to be so well understood by 
the members of the bar, that, with his known ability, he was 
admitted to practice, as has been already stated, before he had 
himself expected, and without the usual requirement of an 
examination, in November, 1789. 

The number of lawyers in the state at that time did not 
exceed thirty, but several of them were able and distinguished 
men. Among those of Rockingham and Strafford counties, 
where he chiefly practised, were John Pickering, afterward chief 
justice ; John Sullivan, the celebrated major-general in the 
Revolutionary Army, and attorney-general, president of the 
state, and district judge ; John Prentice, afterwards attorney- 
general, with several others. Theophilus Parsons and Samuel 
Dexter, then approaching that celebrity for which they are so 
well known to later times, with some others, of the common- 
wealth of Massachusetts, were in the habit of attending the 
courts of New Hampshire and conducting the trial of cases. 
The brothers, Edward St. Loe and Arthur Livermore, came a 
little later to the bar, and Jeremiah Mason settled in Ports- 
mouth, in 1797. 

The amount of his business soon became such as to bring Mr. 
Plumer into professional relations, either as associate or oppos- 
ing counsel, with all these members of the profession, and with 
such uniform success did he sustain himself, that his business 


constantly increased, until, when he finally retired from practice, 
it was limited only by his physical capacity of performance. The 
jurisprudence of the state had, at the time when Mr. Plumer 
came to the bar, partially emerged from the state of confusion 
and disorder, not to say chaos, which had characterized it in 
primitive times, but it had by no means risen to that matured 
and systematized condition which it afterwards, under the influ. 
ence of Judge Smith, with the aid of other able, though less dis- 
tinguished jurists, came to assume. During the whole period 
of his practice at the bar, the profession was without the cer- 
tain light afterwards afforded by the publication of the judicial 
decisions of the court of last resort, and it may be believed that 
the judges themselves felt but slightly bound by former decis- 
ions, after conceiving that they had acquired better light. As 
an example of the absence of respect in those times for judicial 
precedent, we are told that one of these judges, being reminded 
of the inconsistency of one of his decisions with a former one, 
replied by the homely simile that " every tub must stand upon 
its own bottom." 

Mr. Plumer early adopted the habit of making notes of 
decisions of the court, with other transactions of legal inter- 
est occurring in his practice. These he methodized, and trans- 
cribed into a book alphabetically arranged, enlarging it from 
time to time with the accumulations of current experience and 
increasing knowledge, and this he carried constantly with him, 
and found often useful in his professional labors. 

In his professional business, as in everything else, Mr. Plumer 
was methodical and systematic to a degree which made him 
conspicuous among the members of the bar. Every case to be 
brought before the court was prepared with all the details, and 
every contingency which could be foreseen was anticipated and 
provided for. Nothing was overlooked which could be made to 
influence the result, nothing was left to take care of itself or to 
be determined by chance, but his case as opened and presented 
to the court or jury, was made to assume the similitude of a 
maturely planned structure, firmly grounded, and carried to 
completion with every appropriate ornamentation of^-a com- 
pleted edifice. He was thus always prepared for whatever 


might be presented on the part of the opposing party, and was 
seldom taken by surprise by anything developed in the course 
of a trial. This thoroughness of preparation was accompanied 
also by promptness in action, and readiness as each occasion 
arose. He never came into court unprepared, and postpone- 
ments or delays were never by him asked, where avoidable by 
human foresight or unremitting labor. 

As an advocate, he combined clearness of statement and 
systematic and forcible logic, with a persuasiveness of manner 
which always commanded the attention, if not the assent, of the 
court, and generally won to his side the verdict of the jury. 

While a member of the state legislature, his legal business 
continued to absorb most of his time not necessarily given to 
public affairs, though he at no time lost his interest in history 
and general literature. On leaving the national senate, he did 
not return to active practice at the bar, and from the close of 
his public life in June, 1819, he occupied himself with private 
pursuits and literary composition. The purpose of writing a 
history of the United States, to which allusion has been made, 
was not resumed, but, from his long connection with public 
affairs and his extensive acquaintance with persons who influ- 
enced the course of public events and contributed to the gen- 
eral character of the times, he was naturally led to contempla- 
tions of the lives and characters of such of those as he deemed 
most interesting from a public point of view. Accordingly, he 
left in manuscript biographical sketches, more or less extended, 
of a large number, amounting to several hundreds, indeed, of 
persons living in his own or in preceding times, who had either 
filled public stations, or whom he deemed worthy, from other con- 
siderations, to be mentioned in public connections. Since his 
death these manuscripts have been, by his descendants, pre- 
sented to the New Hampshire Historical Society, which has 
caused them to be bound, and they now comprise five large 
volumes, which are, perhaps, as much sought for and consulted 
with as much interest, as any of the books in the Society's grow- 
ing and valuable library. 

In addition to these biographical sketches, Governor Plumer 
composed many essays upon a great variety of subjects of pub- 



lie interest, which were published in several contemporaneous 
prints. These appeared over the pseudonym of Cincinnatus, 
and they attracted wide attention at the time, for their original- 
ity of thought and the clear exposition of the views of the 
writer. They may be found in the New Hampshire Patriot of 
the time, a file of which is in the library of the Historical So- 
ciety, and will be consulted by the student of the present time 
with an interest far above that of curiosity. 

These literary pursuits engrossed the major portion of Gov- 
ernor Plumer's time after his retirement from office, until, as 
age grew upon him, he at length passed to a condition of physi- 
cal inactivity. His wants were then administered to by a 
devoted wife, who had shared his early joys and participated in 
his accumulating honors, and by children and grandchildren, 
who by every attention smoothed the descent of his closing - \ 

years. Though retaining to a remarkable degree his mental 
faculties, his physical powers gradually — almost imperceptibly — 
declined, until the evening of the 226. of December, 1850, in the 
ninety-second year of his age, he passed quietly away. 

Governor Plumer was widely known in learned and literary 
circles, as well as in the political and business world. He was 
a member of the Massachusetts Historical Society, the Statisti- 
cal Association, the Academy of Languages and Belles-Lettres, 
the American Antiquarian Society, and the Danish Royal 
Society of Northern Antiquities. He was one of the projec- 
tors, and the first president of the New Hampshire Historical 
Society, formed in 1823, on the two hundredth anniversary of 
the settlement of the state. In this Society he always took a 
deep interest, and did much for its early prosperity. He pre- 
sented to it his earlier and more valuable state papers, consist- 
ing of nearly three hundred volumes, which, at present, probably 
compose the best collection of the early American state papers 
to be met with in our state. 

At the time of his decease, the convention for revising the 
constitution of New Hampshire was in session at Concord. 
On receiving intelligence of the event, on motion of the Hon. 
Ichabod Bartlett, introduced by an appropriate address, the 


convention adopted, by unanimously rising, the following reso- 
lutions : 

Resolved, That in the death of the Hon. William Plumer the 
state has lost an eminent statesman, a patriotic citizen, and an 
honest man. 

Resolved, That for his long and faithful public services and 
exemplary virtues as a citizen, the whole people should cherish 
his memory with affectionate regard. 

As a further mark of respect for the high character of the 
illustrious deceased, after passing these resolutions, the conven- 
tion adjourned. 

At the conclusion of the address, on motion of Hon. L. D. 
Stevens, Voted that the thanks of the Society be tendered Mr. 
Wait for his very learned and entertaining address, and that a 
copy of the same be requested for publication. 

Afterwards, the librarian called the attention of the Society 
to the offered sale of the Chadwick property adjoining the 
Society's building, and the desirability of purchasing the 
same. After some discussion it was voted to leave the matter 
to the Standing Committee to investigate and report upon the 
matter at some subsequent meeting. 

Voted at i : 30 p. m. to adjourn to the call of the President. 

John C. Ordway, 



The first adjourned seventy-fourth annual meeting and field- 
day of the New Hampshire Historical Society was observed by 
an excursion to Laconia and vicinity, Wednesday, September 
30, 1896. 

The party, numbering about twenty-five, left Concord on the 
9 : 45 train, receiving accessions to their number at Laconia, and 
reached Lakeport about 11 a. m., where the steamer Eagle, 
tendered by the courtesy of Col. J. Alonzo Greene, was^taken 
for a two hours' ride on Lake Winnepiseogee. The weather, 



which in the early morning had been very unfavorable, was now 
all that could be desired, and the ride in and out among the 
many islands under a clear sky and a refreshing breeze, was 
much enjoyed. The only stop was a brief one at The Weirs, 
and a return to Lakeport was made at half past one in the 
afternoon, where street-cars were taken for Laconia, where an 
excellent dinner was served at the Eagle hotel at two o'clock. 

Following the dinner a brief business meeting was held, the 
president, Hon. B. A. Kimball, presiding. 

A communication was presented from Mr. Otis G. Hammond, 
requesting permission to copy certain records in the possession 
of the Society of early marriages in Nantucket, Mass., for pub- 
lication in the " New England Historical and Genealogical Reg- 
ister," and on motion of Hon. J. B. Walker the request was 

On motion, Dr. J. Alonzo Greene of Long Island, and Orran W. 
Tibbetts of Laconia, were elected resident members, and Dr. 
William H. Hotchkiss of New Haven, Ct., an honorary member 
of the Society. 

President B. A. Kimball presented a communication from 
Mr. L. Beach of Lawrence, Mass., offering to donate to the 
Society the family carriage of Daniel Webster, and the letter 
was referred to the Standing Committee with power to act. 

Brief addresses followed, relating to the history of the Indian 
tribes in the Merrimack Valley and kindred subjects, by Hon. 
E. P. Jewell and Rev. Lucius Waterman, of Laconia. 

Resolutions were offered and passed, tendering the thanks of 
the Society to Dr. Greene for the free use of his steamboat for 
the lake excursion ; to the members of the committee of arrange- 
ments in Laconia for their untiring efforts for the success of 
the excursion ; and to Judge Wallace of the supreme court for 
the adjournment of the forenoon session of the court to enable 
members to join the excursion. 

A further vote of thanks was tendered Mr. Jewell for his very 
entertaining and valuable sketch of Indian history, and an invi- 
tation given him to deliver a more formal address before the 
Society at one of its monthly meetings to be held the cpming 




After a brief discussion upon the great desirability of provid- 
ing a more permanent means of approach to the ancient boun- 
dary mark which the Society had visited at The Weirs, the fol- 
lowing resolution, introduced by Hon. J. B. Walker, was passed 
by a unanimous vote : 

Resolved, That a committee of this Society be appointed to 
memorialize the legislature at its next session to take measures 
to provide for the construction of a suitable foot-bridge from 
the mainland to the Endicott Rock at The Weirs, the committee 
to be appointed by the President at his pleasure. 

President B. A. Kimball replied that he would make such 
appointment, to be announced at a later meeting. 

The meeting then adjourned, subject to the call of the 

The party afterward, through the courtesy of the rector, Rev. 
Lucius Waterman, was shown through the very tasteful Episco- 
pal chapel, and made a brief visit to the rooms of the Masonic 
Fraternity and other points of interest in the vicinity. 

The Concord members returned home on the 5 130 p. m. train. 

John C. .Ordway, 


Concord, January 13, 1897. 

The second adjourned seventy-fourth annual meeting of the 
New Hampshire Historical Society was held in the rooms of the 
Society in Concord, Wednesday, January 13, 1897, at two 
o'clock in the afternoon, about fifty members and friends being 
present, and President B. A. Kimball in the chair. 

Hon. Erastus P. Jewell of Laconia, according to previous 
announcement, delivered a very able and interesting address on 
" Passaconaway and the Indian Tribes of the Merrimack 
Valley." At its conclusion, on motion of Hon. Amos Hadley, 
the thanks of the Society were tendered the speaker, and a copy 
of his address was requested for publication in the proceedings 
of the Society. 

Following him, Hon. John G. Crawford of Manchesterjjriefly 
addressed the Society on the early Indian history of the state. 



Hon. Joseph B. Walker of Concord presented to the Society 
six handsomely bound volumes containing a transcript of the 
inscriptions upon the tombstones in the Old North cemetery of 
Concord, prepared by Dr. William H. Hotchkiss of New Haven, 
Conn., and offered the following resolution, which was adopted 
by a unanimous vote : 

Resolved, That the thanks of this Society are due and are here- 
by tendered to our honorary associate, Dr. William H. Hotchkiss 
of New Haven, Conn., for his very valuable and accurate tran- 
script of the more than two thousand inscriptions upon the 
tombstones in the Old North cemetery of Concord, N. H., from 
1736 to 1896, this day presented to the Society; and that the 
secretary be requested to send Dr. Hotchkiss a copy of this 

On motion of Miss Jane Elizabeth Hoyt, M. D., the thanks of 
the Society were tendered to Mr. Walker for his thoughtful 
interest and assistance in connection with the gift before 

Hon. Joseph B. Walker offered the following resolution : 

Resolved, That a committee of five be appointed by the chair 
to take into consideration the present means and wants of the 
Society, and make such report thereon as to them shall be 
deemed expedient. 

The resolution was adopted and the chair appointed as such 
committee : 

Joseph B. Walker, 
Ezra S. Stearns, 
John C. Ordway, 
A. S. Batchellor. 
William P. Fiske. 

On motion of the chairman of the committee on new mem- 
bers, the following-named gentlemen were elected resident 
members of the Society : 

Hon. Nehemiah G. Ordway of Warner, 
Prof. John K. Lord of Hanover, 
Frank G. Edgerly of Concord, ^ 

Frank E. Brown of Concord. 


On motion, the thanks of the Society were presented to the 
South Church society of Concord for the gift of a chapel desk, 
and to Cummings Brothers for the gift of a marble floor slab. 
At 3 : 30 p. m. voted to adjourn to the call of the President. 

John C. Ordway, 


Francis L. Abbot. 




ELI E. GRAVES, M. D., Necrologist. 


Francis Lewis Abbot died at Manchester-by-the-Sea,Mass., 
July 21, 1S96. He was the youngest son of the late J. Stephens 
Abbot, and was born in Concord, May 20, 1S43. 

He attended the public schools of his native place, and after- 
wards, entering St. Paul's School as a member of one of the 
first classes, graduated at that now famous seat of learning. 

Not desirous of a college course, he at once went into the 
office of his father's world-wide established coach manufactory, 
where he remained until his death. Mr. Abbot was for many 
years the secretary of the Abbot-Downing Company, as well as 
secretary of the board of trustees of the Margaret Pillsbury Hos- 
pital, in which institution he always manifested great interest. 

In religion he was an Episcopalian, being a member of St. 
Paul's church, and one of its vestrymen. In the state legisla- 
ture of 1S93, Mr. Abbot represented Ward six, of Concord, an 
honor somewhat conspicuous, inasmuch as the politics of the 
ward were generally Republican, while he was of sound 
Democratic faith. 

Few citizens were more generous in thought and work or 
more gentle and courteous in manner than the subject of this 
brief sketch, and his decease was the cause of deep and genuine 
sorrow. c. r. c. 


Parsons Brainard Cogswell was born at Henniker, N. H., 
January 22, 1S28. He died at Concord, N. H., October 28, 
1S95. He was the son of David and Hannah (HaskelI)^Cogs- 
well, and his boyhood was spent upon the farm. His educa- 


tion was obtained in the common schools, supplemented by an 
occasional term in the academy and a short attendance at the 
Clinton Grove school. At the age of nineteen he entered the 
office of the Independent Democrat, in Concord, where he re- 
mained for nearly two years, and then began a three years* 
service in the office of the New Hampshire Patriot. During 
this time he completely mastered the printer's trade, and from 
1852 to 1854 f° un d employment in the printing offices of Con- 
cord and Manchester. In March of the latter year he formed 
a partnership with Hon. A. G. Jones, and established a book 
and job printing business in Concord. Mr. Jones was not long 
a member of the firm, and upon the retirement of his partner, 
Mr. Cogswell conducted the business alone until February 1, 

May 23, 1S64, in company with George H. Sturtevant, he 
established the Concord Daily Monitor, the first permanent 
daily paper published in Concord. This paper was afterwards 
consolidated with the Independe?it De?nocrat and the Nezv 
Hampshire Statesman, and is still published by the Republi- 
can Press Association, in which Mr. Cogswell was always a 
large stockholder and a member of the board of directors. 
During his connection with the Monitor Mr. Cogswell served 
in every editorial department, as local, associate, and managing 
editor, and as an editorial writer, wielding a vigorous pen, and 
contributing with strength to every department of the paper. 

In 1S5S, he was elected a member of the school committee 
of the Union school district in Concord, and in 1S59, u P on the 
reorganization of the schools of the city, he became a member 
of the board of education and served continuously in that 
capacity until his death. For several years he was president of 
the board, occupying that position at the time of his death, 
and for eighteen years was the board's financial agent. In 
1872 and 1S73 he was the representative of Ward 5 in the 
legislature, and from 1SS1 to 1SS5 he was public printer. For 
several years he was an auditor of state printer's accounts, and 
at the time of the reorganization of the state library upon its 
present basis, he was a member of the board of trustees of that 
institution and contributed materially to the development^ the 
library upon the lines of usefulness which have marked its 

Parsons B. Cogswell. 



management for the past thirty years. During almost the 
entire period of his manhood he was a member of the New 
Hampshire Historical Society and for four years occupied the 
president's chair. He was a prominent member and long an 
officer of the New Hampshire Press Association, and was one 
of the earliest members of the Appalachian club. In 1S92, 
he was appointed United States inspector of immigrants and 
stationed at Concord. He resigned this office in January, 1893, 
when he assumed the chair of chief magistrate of Concord, to 
which he had been elected in the November preceding. From 
1893 to 1895, he was president of the Concord Commercial club. 

September 22, iSSS, -Sir. Cogswell was married to Helen 
BurTum Pillsbury, daughter of Parker Pillsbury, who survives 

For nearly fifty years Mr. Cogswell was one of the best 
known, most influential, most respected, and most beloved cit- 
izens of Concord. He was an active participant in every good 
work and never failed to respond when called upon to assist in 
any undertaking whose end was the good of the community, 
the progress of the world, or the advancement of mankind. 
His was a serious and a busy life, not made so for the sake of 
being serious or busy, but because he desired to bring about 
something good and to accomplish some definite results. He 
was a thinker and grasped all problems which were brought 
before him with a view to their conscientious solution so far as 
he himself was concerned. He was not content with a super- 
ficial phase of any question or study, but he analyzed it with 
thoroughness and diligence so that when he had once arrived 
at a conclusion he seldom found cause afterwards to change his 
mind. He was not stubborn in his opinions, however, except 
when he knew that he was right, and he was always ready to 
admit, however widely he might differ from others, that his 
opponents were as honest in their opinions as he was in his. 
This characteristic made him a very courteous, very kindly, very 
much respected, editor and political writer, although during his 
career as a journalist he passed through some of the bitterest 
contests which were ever waged in this state, where probably 
political feeling runs higher than in any other state ^of the 


Always a plain man of the people, he recognized no cliques 
or classes as an editor or as a public man. He greeted the 
poor and the rich alike, and in the days of his prosperity never 
failed to remember the companions of his hours of toil at the 
compositor's case and the printing-press. This characteristic 
made warm friends of all who knew him, but he had others 
which were only known to his nearer and more intimate asso- 
ciates. To those who were brought into daily contact with 
him in his business and editorial life were displayed the finest 
traits of his character, and the numerous members of the jour- 
nalistic profession who were brought up in newspaper work 
under his supervision still testify to his loving, gentle methods 
with them when in their novitiate, to his patience with their 
mistakes, to his constant helpfulness, to his unfailing sympathy, 
and to his practical cooperation in all the phases of their work ; 
from the youngest apprentice in the establishment, which he 
had seen to grow from small beginnings to large proportions, 
to the manager and chief owner, his loss was that of a dear 
friend, a kindly companion, and a loving brother. 

His connection with the New Hampshire Historical Society 
was one of great usefulness. He was a diligent member and a 
capable officer, and his interest in the society did not cease 
with his death, for by his will he made the society one of his 
heirs, though the legacy of his memory is far dearer than the 
value of any bequest which could have been made. 

G. H. M. 


Marshall Parker Hall was born in Gilford, now Laco- 
nia, N. H., August 11, 183S. His parents soon after moved 
to Manchester, returning to Gilford in 1S45. In 1S56, Man- 
chester became the permanent residence of the family. What 
education the district school and Gilford academy had to give 
Mr. Hall, was finished by the time he was fifteen years of age, 
when he served an apprenticeship of three years in the office of 
the Belknap Gazette, rinding employment thereafter with the 
Manchester Democrat, the Daily American, the New I£a?np- 
shire Journal of Medicine, and various printing-offices of 



Marshall P. Hall. 


Manchester, for two years. Meanwhile, his education was 
going on, so that he not only acquired a knowledge of the art 
preservative of arts, but had fitted himself to become a teacher, 
and was offered a position in Scioto county, Ohio, where he 
remained from 1S58 to 1S61. Returning to Manchester, he 
printed the New Ha?npshire yournal of Agriculture, of 
which the writer of this sketch was proprietor and editor until 
that paper was merged in the Mirror and Farmer, in 1862. 
In October, 1S63, Mr. Hall was chosen city librarian, a posi- 
tion which he held until June, 1865, and might have continued 
to hold it had the compensation been adequate. That year he 
entered the counting-room of the Amoskeag corporation. The 
ambition of many a young man with limited advantages and 
the necessity of earning his daily bread, might well have been 
satisfied to become, as Mr. Hall soon did, a skilful accountant, 
a trusted clerk, and assistant paymaster in one of the greatest 
corporations of the world. But he was more. As a citizen of 
a state and a nation which he loved, he took an intelligent inter- 
est in the conduct of public affairs, and was ever faithful to the 
duties of citizenship. In 1S68, he was chosen a member of the 
school-board of the city of Manchester, a position to which he 
was annually re-elected with but three years' intermission, until 
1S96. This should be sufficient evidence of his rare qualifica- 
tions for the place. One who was himself a teacher, and has 
made a study of the development of education in the United 
States, says : " I am convinced that Mr. Hall possessed singu- 
lar and remarkable abilities in this direction. If he could have 
had the opportunity to write and to travel, he would have been 
widely known and appreciated in this field. Long before ideas 
peculiar to the new education had taken form and been tried by 
experimenters, he had quietly thought them out and recognized 
their value. Hidden away in forgotten school reports, over 
which he toiled with a devotion and enthusiasm entirely dispro- 
portioned to the recognition they received, will be found utter- 
ances which entitle him to a high position among the pioneers 
of public school education." In this connection, doubtless the 
most important service he rendered to the city and state, was 
in drafting and pushing to its adoption the thirteenth amendment 
to the constitution of New Hampshire, which secures the free 


dom of the public schools from sectarian influences. In Man- 
chester, with its strong Catholic voting population and the 
indifference of many partisans, a division of the school fund 
seemed almost a foregone conclusion. The wise and timely 
settlement of this question owes very much to Mr. Hall's per- 
sistent effort and judicious management. His own efforts to' 
obtain an education made him very considerate of the needs of 
others, and he was foremost in securing the establishment of 
classes in manual training, of free evening schools, and of 
evening classes in mechanical drawing. His brief experience 
in teaching made him cognizant both of some needs of teachers 
and of scholars, and caused him to advocate the training-school, 
which has proved a great advantage to graduates of the High 
school who wish to become teachers. It also suggested a prac- 
tical method of bookkeeping and of accounts, which took shape 
in after years in a work entitled k ' Money Accounts and Book- 
keeping," which he left in manuscript at the time of his 

In all of Mr. Hall's practically gratuitous service on the 
school-board he was never indifferent to any duty that presented 
itself. He was familiar with all the details of school life, and 
made a study of the problems that concern the physical and 
mental well-being of the scholar. He possessed the confidence 
of teachers, and was ever ready with wise counsel. It would 
be hardly possible to overestimate the value of Mr. Hall's de- 
votion to the cause of education in the city of Manchester. 
Others came and went, remaining for a longer or shorter time 
on the board. He was the one steadfast member to whose 
annual election the public had learned to look with confidence 
and satisfaction. As clerk and vice-chairman, he wrote many 
of the most interesting reports. Master of a clear and forceful 
English style, he made the idea he wished to convey so plain 
that it could not be mistaken. He was a diligent reader of the 
best literature, and among his Lares and Penates Whittier occu- 
pied a chief position. 

Mr. Hall was a member of the Franklin Street Congrega- 
tional church, for some vears its clerk, and also a director 
and clerk of the society. He was an efficient teacher ancLfor a 
time superintendent of the Sunday-school, and until compelled 



in recent years by ill health to lay down some of his burdens, 
active in all church work. He was a trustee of the Elliott 
Hospital, a member and officer of the Manchester Art Associa- 
tion, and a member of the New Hampshire Historical Society. 
As he was a Christian and a gentleman, so he was a patriot. 
The blood of one who was with Stark at Bunker Hill coursed 
through his veins. He enrolled himself early among the " Sons 
of the Revolution." He loved his state, its history and its 
institutions. The mountain and lake region where he was 
born never lost for him its charm, and nothing so refreshed and 
strengthened him as the brief vacations which enabled him to 
seek the upper forests of New Hampshire, where he seemed 

" To feel from burdening cares and ills, 
The strong uplifting of the hills." 

Somewhat reserved in society, an inherent trait which he in 
vain strove against, he delighted to talk with the workmen in 
the field or the fisherman on the seashore, who brought him 
near to Nature's heart. He had no idle moments. The offices 
which he held were regarded, not as empty honors, but as 
opportunities for work. He had a fine sense of artistic beauty 
in design, and often spent his spare moments — the wait before 
meals, or an occasional evening, — in wood carving, and as an 
inventor he had given time and thought to the improvement of 
certain kinds of machinery. 

As a good citizen, Mr. Hall was ever zealous for the honor of 
his country, and one may not soon forget the interest with 
which he followed the matchless story of Lincoln's life as it 
came out from month to month, or the profound sense of God's 
providential dealing with this nation, with which it inspired 
him, and to which he gave utterance in those evening prayer- 
meetings, where he was often heard. 

By truest tests Mr. Hall's life was a success. The ideal at 
which he aimed was to make the best of whatever talent or 
opportunity God had given him ; and however much to his own 
exacting sense of duty he may seem to have fallen short of this, 
to his friends, his family, and to all who knew him best he had 
accomplished a work which may not be measured by length of 
years. The deatli of so good a man always seems untimely. 


Never of a robust habit, his assiduous attention to his clerical 
duties at last told upon his strength. With characteristic cour- 
age he continued at his work for six months or more, contending 
against a complication of diseases, hopeful almost to the last, 
until, on Wednesday, the 12th of February, 1S96, he passed 
with Christian faith and resignation to his reward. 

December 29, 1862, Mr. Hall was married to Miss Susan M. 
James, who, with two sons, survives him. The older son, 
Rev. Newton M. Hall, a graduate of Dartmouth and of Ando- 
ver Theological Seminary, is pastor of the Presbyterian church 
at Oneonta, N. Y., while the other, Doctor Herbert J. Hall, is 
house physician at the Massachusetts General Hospital in 

F. B. E. 


The late George Olcott, long a member of the New 
Hampshire Historical Society, died on April 10, 1895, in 
Charlestown, in which town he was born, and where he had 
always resided. 

His father, George Olcott, 1st, was the son of the Hon. 
Simeon Olcott, who settled in Charlestown about 1764, and 
was the first member of the legal profession in the town, and 
the first one to open an office west of the Merrimack river. 

He (Simeon Olcott) was appointed judge of probate for 
Cheshire county in 1773, chief justice of the court of common 
pleas in 1784, and associate justice of the superior court in 
1790. In 1795* he was made chief justice of this court, an 
office which he resigned in 1S01, on being elected to the senate 
of the United States to fill the vacancy caused by the death of 
the Hon. Arthur Livermore. After the close of his term in 
180s, he retired to private life, dying February 22, 1815, at 
the age of seventy-nine. 

His son, George Olcott, 1st, born November 2, 17S5, was 
also educated to the legal profession, but gave it up to accept 
the office of cashier of the Connecticut River bank, on its 
organizatiou in 1S24, and remained in this position until his 


death, February 4, 1864, when he was succeeded by his son, 
George Olcott, 2d, the subject of this sketch. 

George Olcott, 2d, son of George Olcott, 1st, and Emily 
Silsby, was born July 11, 1S3S, and also succeeded his father 
in the office of town treasurer in 1863, and both of these offices 
he held until his death. 

He represented the town of Charlestown in the state legisla- 
ture in 1870-2, and was for many years the regular moderator 
at all town-meetings. He, however, shrank from public office 
beyond such as was directly connected with the interests of his 
fellow-townsmen, except that he was one of the trustees of the 
Protestant Episcopal diocese of New Hampshire for twenty- 
nine years, and its treasurer for twenty-three years. 

He was also for thirty-one years senior warden of St. Luke's 
church in Charlestown, of which he was one of the founders, 
and to which he was earnestly devoted. 

Liberal, but unostentatious, he was very generous in all 
contributions for religious or educational purposes, and for 
all matters which would promote the welfare of his native 

Naturally of a modest and retiring disposition, he was a 
great reader, and collected a very fine private library, and con- 
tributed generously to the purchase of books for the new 
Silsby Free library in Charlestown, of which he was one of 
the first trustees. 

Always deeply interested in all historical questions, he was 
long a member of this Society, and has bequeathed it by his 
will, a copy of the " History of Charlestown," which he had 
interleaved and had copiously illustrated himself, during many 
years, with portraits, and views of scenery and residences. 
This, by the direction of his brother and executor, has been 
forwarded to the secretary of the Society at Concord, and is 
now in its possession. 

Educated at the celebrated military academy at Norwich, 
Vt., under the care of Captain Partridge, he left it at the age of 
fifteen to enter the Connecticut River bank, under the tuition 
of his father, and to the care of the interests of this bank his 
life was earnestly and steadily devoted for forty-two yeaj:s. 

Liberal and generous as I have said, "his right hand knew 


not what his left did," and many of his fellow townspeople 
have felt the bounties of his otherwise unknown benevolence. 

His memory will long be held dear in his native town, not 
only by those who knew him from his childhood, and still sur- 
vive him, but by the younger generation, who have grown up 
to know him only as a sedate and dignified gentleman of 
middle life and mature years. 


Dr. Edward Spalding died at Camp Meadows, Magallo- 
way River, on his way home from his vacation, spent at Par- 
machene lake, in Maine, June 22, 1S95. He had been in usual 
health and the days of vacation were days of uninterrupted 
enjoyment, so that the announcement of his sudden death was 
received by his family and friends with a surprise only equaled 
by its sadness. 

Edward Spalding was the fourth child and oldest son of a 
family of eight children born to Dr. Matthias Spalding and 
Rebecca (Wentworth-Atherton) Spalding, in Amherst, N. H., 
September 15, 1S13. His father was of the fifth generation in 
direct descent from Edward Spalding, who came to New 
England about 1632, and settled first in Braintree, Mass., 
removing a little later to Chelmsford, Mass., of which he was 
one of the early proprietors. 

He removed to Amherst in 1S06. It was the county's shire 
town and of the greatest importance of any town within its 
limits, Nashua and Manchester not having at that time risen to 
any prominence, and probably no town in the state could boast 
of a higher degree of culture and refinement. 

Under such favorable circumstances the subject of this sketch 
entered upon his early boyhood. Later he went to Chelmsford 
into the family of Rev. Abial Abbott, where he received such 
instruction as was needed to fit him for Pinker-tori academy in 
Deny. From this preparatory school he entered Dartmouth 
college, and was graduated in 1S33. 

His first plan of employment was that of teacher and with 
this purpose he went to Lexington, Ky., and opened a private 

$* - ■ 

r - • i 











■ ■ 



Edward Spalding, M. D. 



school. Not meeting with expected success, he abandoned this 
plan and returned and took up the study of medicine with his 
father, which he supplemented with three courses of lectures at 
Harvard Medical school, and was graduated in 1837. 

He entered upon the practice of his profession in Nashua, 
and very soon numbered among his patrons a large circle of 
the first families of the town, which had come to be quite a 
manufacturing centre. After pursuing his practice something 
more than twenty-five years, he found himself gradually drawn 
into financial responsibilities, being associated to a greater or 
less extent with the late Hon. Isaac Spalding, who was 
regarded as Nashua's most successful financier. Both were at 
different times officially connected with the management of the 
Nashua Savings bank, and later Dr. Spalding served as treas- 
urer fourteen years. He was also president and director of the 
Indian Head National bank. His excellent judgment and will- 
ingness to advise brought to him many persons, especially 
widows upon whom the responsibility of caring for and man- 
aging property had suddenly been thrust, and who felt the need 
of counsel, which often led to probate service. These numerous 
drafts upon his time, together with the management of his own 
property, compelled him to abandon his profession, very much 
to the regret of a large number of families, who, when sickness 
invaded, were wont to turn to him for relief. But he enjoyed 
work, and was therefore oftentimes persuaded to accept posi- 
tions of a purely business character, such as the presidency 
of the Nashua and Jackson Manufacturing companies, the 
Peterborough railroad, and the Pennichuck water-works com- 
panies. He took special interest in the latter, which was 
the city's source of supply, and he attributed the healthful- 
ness of the city and its comparative exemption from typhoid 
fever and kindred forms of disease, to the abundant supply of 
this excellent water. 

Great as was his interest in all that looked to the material 
prosperity of the town, and later, the city of his adoption, he 
did not allow it to detract from his interest in its intellectual 
and moral advancement. He was identified with its public 
schools for many years, giving to them much of his time and 
rare ability. Dartmouth college had in him a warm friend 


and substantial supporter while serving on its board of trustees 
nearly thirty years. To him many a young man turned for 
assistance in time of great need in his college work, and not 
in vain. 

The New Hampshire Bible society shared in his excellent 
service and beneficence. And in church work at home there 
could be but one answer as to who was the most valuable 
member of all the names upon the membership roll of the 
First Congregational church in Nashua. For the erection of 
the new church building, after the destruction of the old by 
fire in 1S69, he contributed of his large means the generous 
gift often thousand dollars, and when it was deemed advisable 
to remove to another locality and erect a larger and more com- 
modious edifice, his contribution reached the munificent sum 
of fifteen thousand dollars, and when to these large material 
gifts was added a constant and most helpful service in Sabbath- 
school, social, and benevolent work his value is beyond all 

His chosen seat at the mid-week conference meeting was 
seldom vacant, and his well-chosen words were listened to 
with very marked interest and respect. 

His choice of one for a partner in the joys and inevitable 
sorrows of life was exceedingly happy. On the 23d day of 
June, 1S42, he was united in marriage with Dora Everett, 
second daughter of Joseph and Mary Appleton Barrett, of 
New Ipswich. 

Three children were born to this union, of whom two 
daughters survive him, the son being called at the early age 
of eleven years. Sad as was this providence, it was not 
suffered to rob the succeeding years of an unusually happy 
life up to January 17, 1SS7, when the relations of husband, 
wife, and mother were sundered, and the place of an affec- 
tionate and devoted wife and mother was made vacant. Her 
loss was deeply felt. She was a woman of rare and most 
estimable qualities of heart and mind, and her home was a 
charmed circle, whose threshold had been early crossed by 
faith, hope, and charity, and, at her bidding, had become con- 
stant and abiding guests. ^ 

In concluding this notice, the writer would say, that he has 


found it difficult to confine it to its present limits, his acquaint- 
ance having covered a period of more than half a century, 
through all of which he was true to undeviating integrity, 
marked punctuality in all his business affairs, and a noble 
ambition to make the world the better for his having lived in 
it, and to no man is he so much indebted f6r an example that 
has been an inspiration and fostered in him the desire of emu- 
lation as to Hon. Edward Spalding. 

V. C. G. 


William Howard Tucker was born in Sharon, Vt., 
June 19, 1S26. His father was a house painter by trade. 
Young Tucker followed his father's trade till he was nineteen, 
in the meantime attending winter terms of district schools with 
the exception of one term at Norwich academy. At nineteen, 
he entered Kimball Union academy, but left at the end of the 
first year on account of poor health. His next two years were 
spent in the employ of Col. James Moore, chief engineer of 
the surveys made for the Central Vermont railroad. Later, he 
acted as assistant to his brother, Samuel B. Tucker, who had 
charge of a division of the Plattsburgh & Montreal railroad. 
In 1853 he was appointed assistant engineer for the survey for 
the extension of the Passumpsic railroad from St. Johnsbury 
to the Canadian line. 

In 1S57 ^ r - Tucker accepted a lucrative position with 
Mitchell & Rammelsburg, of Cincinnati, O., manufacturers of 
furniture, as traveling salesman. 

In March, 1S62, Mr. Tucker was appointed chief clerk and 
cashier of the commissary department of the Army of the 
Cumberland, then commanded by Gen. O. M. Mitchell, and 
entered the service at Shelby ville, Tenn., April 2, 1S62, after 
which date until August 1, 1S66, he continued to hold the 
same office in various departments of the military service, viz. : 
at Huntsville, Ala., with Capt. S. S. Slocum, A. Q. M., 
May 1 to July 31, 1S62 ; with same officer in Ordnance depart- 
ment, Cincinnati, O., August 1, 1862, to April, iS63;^then 
with Capt. A. M. Tucker, while he filled the following offices, 



viz. : assistant quartermaster in charge of the construction of 
U- S. military railroads for Louisville, Ky., October 30 to 
November 30, 1863 ; quartermaster of the U. S. military rail- 
roads for the Department of the Cumberland, the Ohio, and 
the Tennessee, Nashville, Tenn., December 1, 1S63, to March 
1, 1864; disbursing quartermaster in Louisville, Ky., and in 
charge of the examination and payment of all railroad accounts 
for transportation of government supplies, May 7, 1864, to 
December 7, 1S65 (at which time he was mustered out of 
service) ; and finally with Capt. J. R. Del Vecchio, quarter- 
master of transportation, Louisville, Ky., December S, 1S05, 
to August 1, 1 866. During his term of service as cashier in 
the above-named departments, the cash disbursements were 
not less than $15,000,000. 

After leaving the army, Mr. Tucker was for a time employed 
by certain steamboat owners as their attorney to settle their 
claim against the government for the transportation of troops 
and supplies. Returning to Vermont in September, 1866, he 
was soon after tendered by the New York Life Insurance Com- 
pany the position of general agent for the state of Ohio, with 
headquarters at Cincinnati. This position, however, he de- 
clined, owing to his lack of experience, a decision which he 
afterwards regretted. 

At about this time Mr. Tucker began to turn his attention to 
literary pursuits, writing a history of Hartford for Miss Hem- 
menway's " Vermont Gazetteer.'' While preparing this, he 
reported various musical conventions, including the Great 
Peace Jubilee held in Boston in 1869, for various newspapers 
and musical journals. In 1876, he was appointed Vermont 
manager of the New York Associated Press, which office he 
held until 1SS7. From January 1, 1S80, to August 1, 1SS5, he 
was the general agent of the Morris & Ireland Safe Co., of 
Boston, and the Mosler Bahmann Safe Co., of Cincinnati, O., 
for Vermont, New Hampshire, and Canada. In September, 
18S5, he entered upon the work of preparing and publishing a 
history of Hartford, Vt. Here he held several offices of trust, 
until his death, November 12, 1S95. 





Rev. Augustus "Woodbury, D. D., was born in Beverly, 
Mass., December 4, 1S25. He was not a college graduate, 
but was thoroughly grounded in the classics, and completed 
his preliminary professional training at the Divinity school of 
Harvard University in 1849. He was at once called to the 
Second Congregational (Unitarian) church in Concord, N. H., 
where he remained till 1853. He was m Lowell from 1853 
to 1857, when he was called to the Westminster Congrega- 
tional church in Providence, R. I., and held the pastorate 
of that church till his resignation, on account of ill health 
and advancing years, in 1892. He received the honorary 
degree of A. M. from Harvard in 1S66, and D. D. from 
Brown University in 18S8. He twice represented the city 
of Providence in the house of representatives of Rhode Island ; 
was chairman of the inspectors of Rhode Island prisons, 1866- 
77 ; was the member on whom the larger part of the work 
and responsibility fell of the commission to build the Rhode 
Island state prison, 1S75— 79 ; was president of the Providence 
Athenaeum, 1S83-88, as well as for a long time a leading 
member of its board of directors. He also held many other 
positions of trust and responsibility. 

He was the beloved chaplain of the First and Second regi- 
ments of Rhode Island Volunteers in the War of the Rebellion, 
and it was in the faithful and conscientious discharge of that 
duty that he contracted the disease which followed him, with 
greater or less severity, for the remainder of his life, and 
shortened his days. The esteem in which he was held by the 
soldiers was touchingly shown at the last reunion before his 
death, when a silver pitcher was presented to him. He was 
always invited to preach to his comrades when their anniver- 
sary fell on Sunday, as it did in 1S95. He was also chaplain- 
in-chief of the Grand Army of the Republic in 1S73-74, as 
well as chaplain of many other organizations. 

He was the author of " Plain Words to Young Men " (1S5S), 
"Oration Before the Grand Lodge of Rhode Island" (ij>6o), 
"Preservation of the Republic" (1S62), "Narrations of the 
Campaign of the First Rhode Island Regiment " (1S62), " The 


Second Rhode Island Regiment" (1S65), "Major-General 
•Burnside and the Ninth Army Corps" (1S67), besides a large 
number of addresses, sermons, and historical sketches. He 
was a frequent contributor to the editorial columns of the 
Independent Democrat during his first residence in Concord, 
and of the Providence yonrnal during and after the war, 
while it was a Republican paper. 

Mr. Woodbury took an earnest interest, and was an active 
participant, in all the vital questions of the day. He was a 
wt Free Soiler " in his early days, and a Republican of decided 
views from the organization of that party to his death. He 
early put his hand to the plow, and never faltered in his efforts 
for the political and social welfare of all his fellow-men. 

Though he was decided in his political and religious views, 
he never failed to secure the respect and friendship of the 
community in which he lived, not only of his associates, 
but of those who differed from him. He was honored and 
esteemed by men of all classes in Providence, to the degree that 
falls to the lot of few. While he never hesitated to express his 
opinions at proper times, so as to leave no doubt as to his 
position, he did it in a way which commanded the respect of 
his opponents. They felt that here was a man who was sincere, 
and who believed that he had good reasons for his beliefs and 
for his acts. 

Mr. Woodbury was a man of great literary activity. He was 
an easy worker, and accomplished his many tasks by doing His 
work in season. To the last he kept up his interest in the 
classics, while the latest writers on all questions of social 
science were a part of his daily life. He found time to write 
many articles for the reviews and magazines in addition to 
what has been already enumerated, and had additional contribu- 
tions in contemplation. 

Mr. Woodbury was always one of the leading men in the 
Unitarian denomination. He was far from belonging to the 
radical branch of the church, and was always spiritual, as well 
as practical, in his teaching. Of fine presence, possessing a 
voice of unusual clearness and range, muster of a good English 
style, with a mind well stored with the treasures of our litera- 
ture, he never failed to interest and instruct his hearers. 


Dr. Woodbury always kept up his acquaintance with his 
Concord friends, making frequent visits during his residence 
elsewhere. In accordance with his frequently-expressed wishes, 
he made Concord his home for the second time in 1894, and 
died there November 19, 1S95. A service in his memory was 
held in the Westminster Congregational church in Providence 
on Sunday, December 15, 1895. A report of these services, 
with other commemorative memorials, was published by the 

Dr. Woodbury became a resident member of the New Hamp- 
shire Historical Society, June 12, 1S95. 

S. C. E. 





Account of General Sullivan, November 30, 1779, 
Men Willing to Continue in Service of United Colonies Dur- 
ing the Winter, October 8, 1775, 
Brigade, Winter Hill, Return of, February 17, 1776, 
Confession of General Stark, December 30, 1775, 
Council of War, July 25, 1778, Providence, 

" Resolution in, April 18, 1778, Providence, 

Countersign (Parole), Brigadier-General Heath, March 13, 1776, 
Delaware Detachment, Return of, May 31, 1777, Princeton, 

June 7, 1777, 
Dissolution of Congress, Petition of Delegation for, January 

25, 1775, Exeter, 
Draft, First, April 27, 1778, Providence, 
English Fleet, List of, Sandy Hook, July 29, 1778, 
Finance, Plan of, 

General Sullivan's Account, November 30, 1779, 
General Sullivan, Orders to, December 11, 1776, 
" Return of, June 1, 1777, 

" R. I. Assembly's Vote of Thanks to, Febru- 

ary, I779» 
Goodridge, Samuel, Return of, August 15, 1775, 
Guards, Report of, November 11, 1777, Whitemarsh, 
Instructions, January 14, 1778, Valley Forge, 
" January 15, 1778, 

" January 16, 1778, 

" January 17, 1778, 

Instructions and Flan of Battle, Maryland, 
Hazen, Colonel, Case with, No Date, 
Jackson, Col. Henry, Protest Against, 1778, 
Letter, Allen. Ebenezer, October 30, 17S0, Otter Creek, 
" Arnold, Benedict, June 10, 1776, Chamble, 
" " June 11, 1776, Montreal, 

M " June 16, 1776, St. John's, 






































60 62 











Letter, Arnold, Benedict, June 16, 1776, Lapraire, 

" " June 1, 1777, Philadelphia, 

June 9, 1777, 
44 Arnold, Thomas, December 30, 1778, Greenwich, 
44 Barry, Henry, December 31, 1778, Warwick, 
44 Belknap, Jeremy, November 28, 1787, Boston, 
44 " December 23, 1789, Boston, 

44 Blaine, Colonel, to Colonel Wadsworth, August 

22, 1779, 
* Blower, Mrs., February 22, 1778, 
44 Bordley, William, August 21, 
4,4 Bowen, Jabez, August 13. 1778, Tiverton, 
44 " No Date, Friday, East Greenwich, 

44 Brown, John, September 11, 1778, Providence, 
44 Caldwell, James, December 12, 1776, Turkey, 
" Cambris, Le Comte de, August 20, 1778, Point Judith, 
44 Canteen, June 2, 1777, Montreal, 
44 Chase, Samuel, October 23, 1776, Annapolis, 
44 Chase, Samuel, December 24, 1776, Annapolis, 
' 4 Church, Dr., Acknowledgment of Testimonial, Sep- 
tember 14, 1775, -A- m - Hospital, 
44 Clairy, A. H., August 30, 1777, Philadelphia, 
44 Coline, H., July 30, 1778, Ship Aimable y 

44 July 31, 1778, 
44 Conway, January 3, 1778, 
44 Corinne, St., August 3, 1778, " 
44 Cornell, Ezekiel, July 31, 1778, Fall River, 
44 44 August 23, 1778, Newport, 

44 * 4 November 4, 1778, Tiverton, 

44 4< Friday, Tiverton, 

44 " December 29, 1778, ' 4 

44 44 January 13, 1779, " 

January 17, 1779, 
44 44 January 27, 1779, 

44 " February 13, 1779, " 

44 " February 16, 1779, 

44 " March 20, 1779, 44 

44 De Baire, Pieudhomme, June 9, 1777, Kingston, 
44 Douro, Volckert P., July 27, 1779, Albany, 
44 D'Estaing, Comte, July 28, 1778, 

July 30, 1778, 

July 31, 1778, 

August 3, 1778, 

August 3, 1778, 

August 4, 1778, 



























































































1 66 


Letter, D'Estaing, Cornte, August 7, 1778, 
August 8, 1778, 
" August 30, 1778, Boston, 

•'■ Duran, A., January 16, 1779, 

" Emerson, Moses, Return of Men in the Army, Febru- 
ary 3» 1776, Medford, 
" Eustace, J. S., November 19, 1776, North Castle, 
44 Fitzgerald, John, Sunday evening, Morristown, 
" " January 28, 1777, Morristown, 

" Ganesvoort, Peter, October 8, 1779, Albany, 
" Garzia, John, September 24, 1778, Warwick, 
M " January 23, 1779, Camp Warwick, 

•* " February 26, 1779, Warwick, 

" Gates, Horatio, October 23, 1775, Headquarters, 
*' M November 9, 1775, M 

" " December 12, 1775, " 

" " December 24, 1775, " 

" " December 29, 1775, " 

" " November 14, 1778, Boston, 

" " January 15, 1779, " 

44 " February 22, 1779, " 

44 " March 21, 1779, " 

" Glover, John, August 23, 1778, Camp before New- 
" " October 9, 1778, Providence, 

" Green, C, July 18, 1778, E. Greenwich, 

July 28, 1778, 
44 " September 9, 1778, " 

44 " September 12, 1778, " 

44 Greene, Nathaniel, September 23, 1775, Prospect Hill, 
44 44 May 24, 1777, Bound Brook, 

44 4 * May 31, 1777, Middle Brook, 

June 24, 1777, 
44 " July 23, 177S, White Plains, 

44 44 July 31, 177S, Coventry Iron Works, 

44 44 August 21, 1778, Camp before New- 

44 ' 4 ' August 23, 1778, Newport, 

44 " September 7, 1778, Coventry, 

44 44 October 5, 177S, " 

" " October 24, 177S, Fredericksburg, 

44 4t March 26, 1779, Providence, 

44 44 October 20, 1779, West Point, 

" 44 October 28, 1779, " 

44 44 December 3, 1779, Morristown, 

44 " ■ Sunday morn, 






















































































Letter, Green, W., August 14, 1778, Providence, 
August 17, 177S, 
August 21, 1778, 
August 24, 1778, 

Regarding Action of the General Assem- 
bly, October 30, 177S, 
Hamilton, Alexander, June 7, 1777, Middle Brook, 
" July 7, 1777, Morristovvn, 

" July 20, 1778, Black Point, 

Hand, Edward, October 18, 1779, Estherton, 
Harrison, Robert H., January 23, 1776, Cambridge, 
" June 11, 1777, Middle Brook, 

June 12, 1777, 
Hartley, Thomas, August 21, 1776, Crown Point, 
Hazen, Moses, December 1, 1777, Bethlehem, 

" January 13, 1780, Camp, State of New 

Head, Nathaniel, January 12, 1781, New Brunswick, 
Heath, William, April 20, 1778, Boston, 
" May 9, 1778, 

" May 20, 1778, 

June 13, 1778, 
" June 14, 1778, " 

July 25, 1778, 
July 25, 1778, 
July 26, 1778, 
July 29, 1778, 
July 31, 1778, 
" August 7, 1778, 

" August 11, 177S, 

August 14, 1778, 
" August 16, 1778, " 

August 16, 1778, 
August 20, 1778, 
" August 22, 177S, " 

" August 22, 177S, " 

" September 1, 177S, " 

" September 1, 1778, " 

" September 2, 1778, " 

" September 3, 1778, " 

" September 6, 1778, 

" September 7, 177S, " 

" September 12, 1778, " 

" September 16, 177S, '■ 

" September 17, 177S, " 

" September 19, 177S, '* 



























































































1 68 


.Letter, Heath, William, October 5, 1778, 
" October 21, 1778, 

October 24, 1778, 

October 24, 1778, 
" - October 25, 1778, 

October 26, 1778, 
" " November 1, 1778, " 

" " November 1, 1778, " 

" Houston, W. C, February 1, 1781, Trenton, 
41 Knox, T., March 22, 1781, New Windsor, 

May 21, 1787, Philadelphia, 
" " January 19, 1788, New York, 

" " June 29, 17S8, " 

44 " October 14, 1788, Portsmouth, 

" Lafayette, General, January 9, 17S1, Morristown, 
44 Langdon, Samuel, to William Whipple, March 9, 1779, 

" Lasell, S., September 9, 1778, Warwick, 
" Laurens, Henry D., August 16, 1778, Philadelphia, 
" Laurens, John, July 29, 1778, Point Judith, 
44 " August 19, 1778, 

" Lee, General, July 24, 1775, Cambridge, 
" Lincoln, B., October 1, 1780, Headquarters, 
" Livingston, William, August 16, 1777, Morristown, 
" " August 19, 1777, M 

44 Loubee, Monseur de, October 21, 1778, Norwich, 
44 Maresquell, De, August 23, 1778, 

44 McDougall, Alexander, November 17, 1774, New York, 
" " October 22, 1775, " 

44 " May 22, 17S1, Philadelphia, 

December 15, 1778, Fishkill, 
No Date, Fishkill, 
" Meade, R. K., June 23, 1777, Headquarters, 
" Militarius to Candidus, No Date, 
44 Nixon, John, July 25, 1778, White Plains, 
" No Signature, Regarding General Thompson, June 8, 

1776, Sorell, 
*• " June 16, 1776, New York, 

" " October 12, 1777, York, 

" " August 4, 1778, 

" " August 31, 177S, Headquarters, 

" 4t September 5, 1779, West Point, 

" " November 6, 1779, Sovereign Tavern, 

No Date, 
" Otto, May 18, 17S6, New York, 
44 Parison, No Date (French), 

r ol. 






















































































4 ^ 





ixtter, Parker, C, January 18, 1777, Quibble Town, 
" Peters, Richard, September 29, 1778, War Office, 
" Phillips, W., November 9, 1778, Cambridge, 

November 15, 1778, 
44 Pickering, Timothy, July 24, 1777, Kamapaugh, 
" " August 17, 1777, near Cross 

Roads, Pa.. 


June 26, 1778, War Office, 
July 21, 1779, 
" Pierce, William, Jr., November 8, 1777, 
" Pigot, R., April 24, 1778, Newport, 
44 " June 22, 1778, " 

" " September 8, 1778, 

" " September 14, 1778, 

44 " September 22, 1778, 

44 Pleville, Captain, August 19, 177S, Providence, 
" Poor, Enoch, December 31, 1777, Valley Forge, 
44 Pope, Frederick, June 7, 1778, Swanzey, 
" Porter, John, January 5, 1779, Portsmouth, 
" Powell, Levin, No Date, 
44 Prescott, R., November 4, 1778, Newport, 
" " December 23, 1778, 

December 25, 1778, 
" " February 18, 1779, " 

" Preville, Cother de gras, August 9, 1778, Shipboard, 
" " August 9, 1778, M 

11 " August 10, 1778, 

44 " August 10, 1778, 

44 ' 4 August 10, 1778, 

44 " August 15, 1775, 

44 " August 15, 1778, 

44 ' 4 August 19, 1778, " 

44 Private, 
44 Putnam, Israel, July 8, 1777, Peekskili, 

July 25, 1777, 4< 
44 Ramsey, Nathaniel, January 11, 1778, Wilmington, 
44 Reed, J., January 10, 1777, Raritan River, 
44 Scammell, Alexander, May 13, 1775, Portsmouth, 

October 24, 1775, Winter Hill, 
April 8, 177S, Valley Forge, 
December 28, 1778, Middle Brook, 
44 " January 28, 1779, " 

44 ,4 September iS, West Point, 

44 Schuyler, John, May 28, 1776, Fort George, N. Y., 
44 44 June 4, 1776, Ticonderoga, 

































































































Letter, Schuyler, John, June 15, 1776, Albany, 
" " June 17, 1776, " 

" " June 20, 1776, " 

June 25, 1776, 
" " May 22, 1777, Philadelphia, 

** *' June 21, 1779, Saratoga, 

*' " July 7, 1779, Albany, 

" " July 24, 1779, Saratoga, 

■" " October 7, 1779, Albany, to Colonel 

" Segard, Captain de, No Date, 
" Several in Difficulty, September 30, 1778, Warren, 
" Shepard, William, August 23, 1778, Newport, 
" Spencer, Joseph, March 6, 177S, Providence, 
" Spy, No Date, 

u Stark, John, July 5, 1778, Albany, 
" " November 27, 1778, Greenwich, East, 

"" " December 4, 1778, " 

*' " December 4, 1778, " 

December 6, 1778, 
M " December 12, 1778, 

" " December 22, 1778, 

. " " December 30, 1778, 

" Stephen, Adam, June 1, 1777, Middle Brook, 

" " June 4, 1777, Mousums, 

" Sterling, Lord, June 24, 1777, Edgar's Ash Swamp, 

" " June 27, 1777, Pingrey's, 

" " October 19, 1778, Perth Amboy, 

*• Stone, J. H., January 7, 1777, Baltimore, 

" Sullivan, James, December 6, 1775, Watertown, Mass., 

" " August 30, 1779, Boston, 

** " January 30, 1783, " 

" Sullivan, John, December n, 1775, Winter Hill, 

4< " May 22, 1777, Headquarters, 

<l " July 5, 1777, Pompton, to Washington, 

■" " August 16, 1777, Hanover, to Colonel 

*' " September 3, 1777, Boston, 

*' " October 6, 1777, Perkiominy, to J. 

" " October 27, 1777, White Marsh, to Mr. 

" ".. November 22, 1777, White Marsh, to 

" " February 14, 177S, Camp, to Wash- 
















Letter, Sullivan, John, February, 177S, Valley Forge, to Wash- 
" " April 18, 1778, Providence, to Burke, 

44 " June 3, 1778, Providence, to General 

" " August 13, 1778, Rhode Island, to 

" " September 26, 177S, Providence, to 

Governor Greene, 
" " October 11, 1778, Providence, to Gen- 

eral Prescott, 
" " October 26, 1778, to Congress, 

" M October 28, 1778, to Count D'Estaing, 

" " November 8, 1778, Headquarters, to 

General Cornell, 
" " November 27, 1778, Providence, to 

" " October 18, 1780, Philadelphia, to 

Governor Hancock, 
" " January 2, 1779, to Major Porter, 

" " January 13, 17S0, Trenton, to Minister 

of France, 
April 12, 1781, Philadelphia, to De 
" " January 8, 1787, to Speaker of the 

House, Portsmouth, 
•' *' No Date, to Count D'Estaing, 

" " No Date, to General Pigot, 

" " No Date, to Powers and Willis, 

44 Talbot, Silas, September 7, 1778, Bedford, 
" Thornton, Matthew, October 27, 1775, 
" Tilghman, Tenet, May 30, 1777, Middle Brook, 

June 21, 1777, 
" " July 9, 1777, Morristown, 

44 ' 4 July 16, i777, Clove, 

44 44 October 22, i77S, Headquarters, 

44 Tyler, John, August 23, i77S, Newport, 
44 Varnum, Colonel J., September 24, i775, Prospect 

44 " April 9, i778, Valley Forge, 

April 28, i77S, 
May 27, i778, 
4< 44 • June 7, i77S, Valley Forge, 

-• 44 August 4, i778, 

44 44 August 12, i778, Portsmouth, 

" 44 August 23, i778, " 
























































5 1 
















Varnum, Colonel J., August 23, i778, Newport, 




September 19, i778, Warren, 




January 4, i779, <4 




February 9, i779, " 




March 18, i779, Providence, 




No Date, 



Washington, George, October 5, i775, Cambridge, 



November 5, i77s, " 



December 8, i77s, " 

2 3 


January 10, i776, 



February 19, i776, 44 



May 29, i777, Morristown, 



June 7, i777, Middle Brook, 



June 11, 1 777, " 



June 12, i777, 



June 14, i777, 



June 15, i777, 



June 1 7, 1 777, 



June 21, i777, 



June 23, i777, 



July 7, i777, 



July 8, i777, Morristown, 



July 9, 1777, 



July 22, i777, Clove, 



August 3, i777, Philadelphia, 




August 14, i777, Berks County, 




August 22, i777, " 




September 20, i777, Fatland Ford, 




September 20, i777, " 




September 20, i777, " 




September 23, i777, Headquarters, 



. II 

February 14, i77S, 44 




July i7, i778, Haverstraw, 




July 28, i77S, White Plains, 




July 29, 1 778, 44 




August 4, 1 778, " 




August 10, i778, 44 




August 19, i77S, 




August 20, i778, " 




August 22, i778 


2 3 


September 1, i77S, " 




November 3, i778, Fredericksburg, 




i77S, Valley Forge, 




February 19, i77q, Middlebrook, 




February 22, i779, " 

4 ' 



March 6, i779, 





Letter, Washington, George, June 21, i779, Smith's Clove, 
" " July 29, i779, West Point, 

" " August 1, i779, " 

" " August 4, i779, 

41 " August 15, 1779, 

" " August 24, i779, " 

" " September 3, i779, " 

" " September 15, i779, " 

" " October 14, i779, " 

October 27, i779, 
" " November 2, 1779, " 

" " November 6, i779, " 

" " November 21, i779, " 

" Watchman, A., to British Americans, December 24, i774, 
" Weare, Meshech, May 29, i778, Exeter, 
" " June 19, i778, Committee of Safety, 

" " April 2, i78i, Hampton Falls, 

" Welles, John, October 10, i77S, Albany, 
" Whipple, William, December 5, i775, Committee of 

" " August 23, i778, Newport, 

" Wilkinson, James, January 22, i776, 
" Wilkinson, October 18, i7So, War Office, 
Maryland, Plan of Battle of, 

" Regiment, Return of, July 19, i777, Fishkill, 

Maxwell, William, and others, Petition of, October 16, i777, 

Men in Army, Emerson's Return of, February 3, i776, Medford, 
Men Willing to Continue in Army, Account of, October 8, i775, 
Order of March, 

Orders to Brigadier-General De Baire, June 10, i777, Princeton, 
" General Sullivan, December ir, i776, 
" Howe and Sumner, J. Sullivan, June 21, i777, 
Rocky Hill, 
Paying Troops, Matthew Thornton, September 28, i775, 

Petition for Dissolution of Congress, January 25, i775, Exeter, 
Petition of Private Soldiers to General Sullivan, January 
2, i7So, 
" William Maxwell and others, October 16, i777, 

Plan of Finance, 
Posting Sentries and Pickets, September 24, i775, Prospect 

Private Soldiers, Petition of, January 2, i78o, 
Protest Against Col. Henry Jackson, i77S, 
























































l 3 






















Vol. No. 









Putnam, Major-General, Return of, May 3, i777, Princeton, 

" " May 10, 1 777, 

Questions of Geo. Washington, with Answers, 
Report, General, of Guards, November n, i777, Whitemarsh, 
Resolution in Council of War, April 18, i77S, Providence, 2 46 

44 on Protest of General Sullivan's Army, August 

28, i778, Congress, 3 35 

" Regarding General Sullivan, February, i779, 

Rhode Island Assembly, 
Return of Delaware Detachment, May 31, i777, Princeton, 
44 "' June 7, i777, " 

14 General Sullivan, June 1, i777, " 

" Major-General Putnam, May 3, i777, " 
" " May 10, i777, 

" Maryland Regiment, July 19, i777, Fishkill, 
44 Rhode Island Troops, 

44 Samuel Goodridge, August 15, i775, Winter Hill, 
Winter Hill Brigade, February i7, i776, 
Spaulding, Capt. Levi, Petition of General Washington, 

August 10, i775, Winter Hill, 
Standing Orders, February 12, i"77, 
Stark's Confession, December 30, i7~5, 

Sullivan, General, Resolution in Favor of, February, i779, 
Rhode Island Assembly, 
44 Return of, June 1, i777, Princeton, 

Thornton, Matthew, Paying Troops, September 28, i775, 

Exeter, 1 11 

Varnum, Colonel, on Posting Sentries and Pickets, Septem- 
ber 24, i7~5, 1 10 
Washington, George, Questions of, etc., 1 3 l ~33 
































Concord, June 9, 1897. 

The seventy-fifth annual meeting of the New Hampshire 
Historical Society was held in the rooms of the Society, at 
Concord, on Wednesday, June 9, 1897, at eleven o'clock in the 
forenoon, about thirty members in attendance, Hon. Benjamin 
A. Kimball, president, in the chair. 

The records of the several meetings held during the year 
were read by the secretary and approved by the Society. 

The report of the treasurer, William P. Fiske, was read by 
the secretary, and is as follows : 


Receipts Credited to Genera/ Income. 

Income from permanent fund, $537-75 

Income from other sources, 23.42 

New members, 1$-°° 

Assessments, 354-oo 

Sale of miscellaneous books, 98.20 

Miscellaneous, 24.17 

From state appropriation, 500.00 

£i,55 2 -54 
Expenditures Charged to General Income. 

Printing, engraving, binding, etc., 


Fuel and water, 




Insurance and repairs, 



500 00 



N. F. Carter, sundry expenses, 


Books and magazines purchased, 


$i,45 8 -33 

Balance for the year, $94- 21 



Permanent fund, 
Current funds, 

$1 1,000.00 

Todd Fund. 

To investment, 
To income, 


By paid accrued interest on investment 


$5 I2 -5° 


Securities in Hands of the Treasurer, June 8, i8gj. 

2 bonds Iowa Loan and Trust Co., $1,000.00 

3 bonds Concord Land and Water 

Power Co., 300.00 
1 bond Johnson Loan and Trust Co. 

(receipt), 900.00 

1 bond Northern Pacific, 1,000.00 

2 bonds Chicago, Milwaukee & St. 

Paul, 2,000.00 

1 bond New York & New England, 1,000 00 

1 bond Little Rock &: Fort Smith, 1. 000. 00 

2 bonds Atchison 1st, 4 per cent., 1,000 00 
5 shares Atchison, Topeka & Santa 

Fe, preferred stock, 500.00 

1 First mortgage loan, H. Hillrnond, 1,200.00 

1 First mortgage loan, Jas. Charles, 1,025.00 

On deposit in N. H. Savings bank, 1.377.54 

$12,302 54 

Todd Fund 

1 bond Chicago, Burlington & Quincy, 

5 per cent, convertible, $500 00 

Deposit in N. H. Savings bank, 7.08 


It was followed by the report of the auditor, and both 
were by vote accepted and ordered placed on file. 

The secretary made report of membership as follows*: 


■ ■' '—" 



Whole number of members, June 10, 1896, 
New members qualified during the year, 


Died during the year : 


Francis L. Abbot, Concord, 
William S. Stevens, Dover, 


Total membership June 9, 1897, 


On motion of Rev. C. L. Tappan, 


Voted, That a committee of three be appointed to nominate 
officers for the ensuing year, and the chair appointed Hon. 
Joseph B. Walker, Hon. John Kimball, Hon. Albert S. Wait. 

The report of the librarian, Rev. N. F. Carter, was pre- 
sented, and by vote placed on file. The report is as follows : 


To the Members of the New Hampshire Historical Society : 

Your librarian is happy to report a fair progress in several 
directions towards bringing the library into the shape its im- 
portance and value deserve. A large amount of work has 
been done through the year, not all apparent, but all contri- 
buting its quota towards the end sought. The systematic in- 
vestigation and classification of the library to prepare it for a 
new cataloguing and make its many valuable works more easily 
accessible to its increasing patrons, has been continued, consid- 
erable headway made, but is not yet completed. It is hoped 
this desirable part of the work will be finished the present 
season, and its thousands of volumes and pamphlets find a 
permanent resting-place. 

During the winter and spring, work, other than that pertain- 
ing to the office routine, has been mainly in the vault. The 
main part of our large collection of manuscripts has been care- 
fully scrutinized and put into the boxes procured for the pur- 
pose, with a list of the contents of each on the outside to ena- 
ble the finding of any desirable piece without unnecessary 
opening. After the index proposed is made of them any man- 
uscript can be found in a moment's time, making the whole 
collection entirely accessible. An index has also been made 
to the Sullivan Papers, aad published in Part 1 of Vol. Ill of 
our Proceedings, now in press. An index to the Webster and 
Hibbard Papers is contemplated at no distant day. The in- 
creasing amount of office work and correspondence to meet the 

i 7 8 


imperative need of the Society to keep it abreast with the 
times, seriously interferes with the rapid advance to the com- 
pletion of the plans for perfecting the order of the library and 
making it " a thing of beauty and a joy forever." 

The hundreds of pamphlet sermons in the library have been 
classified, catalogued, and put into boxes ready for use as 
occasion may require. 

Besides the cases put into the vault for a convenient 
arranging of its contents, a simple and comprehensive rack for 
maps has been devised and constructed to hold conveniently, 
and facilitate their use. 

The accessions to the library during the year have been, 
exclusive of state papers and magazines, 2,425, of which 819 
were bound volumes. The binding of the year has been 116 
books and 9 volumes of newspapers, making a total of 932 
bound volumes in the library more than at the last annual 
meeting, which added to the number then reported, gives a 
total of 13,272 bound books. 

We group and give in detail the accessions, and their 
source, as follows : 

Books and pamphlets have been received from persons and 
corporations as follows : 

Abbott, Frances M., 


Brown, Julius W., 


Abbott, J. M., 


Burton, C. M., 


Adams & Co., 


Byington, Mrs. Swift, 


Aiken, Rev. Edwin J., 


Calvin, Samuel, 


Allen, Mrs. Adelaide, 


Carpenter, A. P., 


Amen, Prof. Harlan P., 


Carter, Miss Edith H., 


Appleton, W. S., 


Carter, Mrs. F. H., 


Ayer, Rev. F. D., 


Carter, Rev. N. F., 


Ayling, Gen. A. D., 


Carter, S. W., 


Bancroft, Dr. C. P., 


Clark, Charles H., 


Barrett, Norris S., 


Clark, Rev. F. G., 


Bachelder, Nahum J., 


Cleaves, Geo. P., 


Batchellor, Albert S., 


Colbv, Harrison, 


Beadle, C. D., 


Colby, J. F., 


Belanger, Rev. J. A., 


Comstock, J. M., 


Bellas, H. H., 


Cougrega tionalist, 


Benton, J. H., Jr., 


Conn, Dr. G. P., 


Bingham, Harry, 


Connor, Mrs. Lucy S., 


Birney, William, 


Courtenay. William A., 


Blinn, Henry G., 


Cragg, T. W, 


Blomburg, Anton, 


Cross, George N., 


Boston Record Com'is'n 

rs, 1 

Cudmore, P., 


Brown, Charles W., 


Curtis, Rev. J. S., 




Darling, C. W., 
Dodd, Mead & Co., 
Dodge, James E., 
Drummond, J. H., 
Dunham, H. N., 
Eastman, Samuel C, 
Eddy, Mrs. Mary B. G., 
Edes, Henry H., 
Farrili, Rev. E. T., 
Field, J. H., 
Fisher, R. D., 
Fiske, William P., 
Fowler, F. H., 
Fowler, Mrs. Sarah L., 
French, A. D. W., 
French, Sperry, 
Gallinger, J. H., 
Gerould, Rev. S. L., 
Gerrish, Maj. H. F., 
Gold, T. S., 
Greene, Arthur S., 
Greene, Dr. Samuel A., 
Hale, George S., 
Ham, Dr. J. R., 
Hardy, Rev. A. C, 
Hastings, H. V., 
Haven, Miss Eliza A., 
Hazen,Rev. H. A. 
Hill, Joseph C. A., 
Himes, Rev. W L., 
Hoar, George F., 
Hoitt, Mary A., 
House, Rev. William, 
Howard, Joseph W., 
Hoyt, A. H., 
Hoyt, Dr. J. Elizabeth, 
Hurd, Leon D., 
Hurlin, William, 
Hutchinson, J. G., 
Johnson, Rev. John, 
Johnson, John F., 
Keyes, Charles R., 
Kimball, John, 
Kimball, S. S., 


Lane, Thomas W., 



Linehan, John C, 



Livingston, Rev. W. W., 



Locke, George, 



Lockhart, Rev. Burton W 

, 1 


Lovering, Clara B., 



Marquand, Henry, 



Mayor of Bath, Eng., 



McCormick, Cyrus H., 



McDuffee, Henry C, 



McFarland, Annie A., 






Morris, Henry L., 



Munson, Myron A., 



Murkland, Rev. Charles S. 



Musgrove, R. W., 



Olin, William M., 



Ordway, John C, 



Osgood, Mary E., 


2 5 

Page, Mary A., 



Parsons, J. R., 



Pattee, Fred L., 


2 3 

Pillsbury. Parker, 



Piper, S. S., 



Providence Record Com's'rs, 2 


Raikes, George A., 



Raymond & Whitcomb, 



Richardson, H. W., 



Robinson, Henry, 



Root, Azariah S., 



Sanger, Austin H., 



Sherwood, George F., 



Snow, Marshall S., 



Stearns, Ezra S., 



Steele, Mrs. A. H., 



Stevens, L. D., 



Stevens, Mrs. H. W., 



Stiles, Mrs. Sophia, 



Stone, George F., 



Swan, R. T., 



Swett, Charles E., 

2 5 


Tappan, Rev. C. L., 



Tarlton, Charles W., 



Thurston, Mrs. F. R., ^ 



Tilghman & Davis, 



Todd, William C, 


Tolles, Jason E., 


Trask, Julian F., 


Walker, Isaac, 


Walker, Joseph B., 


Wheeler, J., 1 

White, D. M., 14- 

Whittier, J. H., 2 

Woodbury, Mrs. Augustus, 71 

Books and pamphlets have been received from the follow- 
ing historical societies, associations, and libraries : 

American Academy of Political Science, 1 

American Antiquarian Society, 4 

American Board of Missions, , 5 

American Catholic Historical Society, 4 

American Congregational Association, 1 
American Historical and Philosophical Society, 1 

American Museum of Natural History, 19 

American Philosophical Society, 3 

Appalachian Club, 1 

Boston Book Company, 1 

Brooklyn Library. 1 

Buffalo Historical Society, 1 

Bunker Hill Monument Association, 2 

Chicago Historical Society, 3 

Chicago Public Library. 1 

Cincinnati Public Library, 1 

Cleveland Public Library, 6 

Colby Academy. 1 

Connecticut Historical Society, 2 

Dartmouth College, 1 

Drew Theological Seminary, 2 

Essex Institute, - 5 

Forbes Library, 1 

Harvard University, 2 

Historical and Philosophical Society, 29 

Holland Society, 3 

Illinois Public Library, 1 

Iowa Historical Society, 8- 

Johns Hopkins University, 5 

Kansas State Historical Society. 244 

Lackawana Institute, 3 

Lexington Historical Society, 1 

Lincoln Co. Historical Society, 1 

Los Angeles Public Library, 1 

Madison University, * 1 

Maine Historical Society, 4 



Maryland Historical Society, 3 

Massachusetts Art Company, 1 

Massachusetts Historical Society, 1 

Minnesota Historical Society, 5 

Minnisink Historical Society, 2 

Missouri Historical Society, 1 

Mount Holyoke College, 2 
New England Historical and Genealogical Society, 4 

New Hampshire Board of Health, 2 

New Hampshire State Library, 20 

New Haven Colony Historical Society, 3 

New York Free Circulating Library, 1 

New York Historical Society, 1 

New York Public Library, 5 

Oberlin College Library, 3 

Ohio Archaeological and Historical Society, 1 

Ohio State Historical Society, 1 

Oneida Historical Society, 3 

Pennsylvania Historical Society, 4 

Philadelphia Historical Society, 1 

Philadelphia Library, 2 

Presbyterian Historical Society, 1 

Rhode Island Historical Society, 3 

Royal Academy, Stockholm, 1 

Salem Public Library, 1 

Smithsonian Institution, 17 

St. Louis Public Library, 1 

Syracuse Library, 1 

Texas Historical Association, 1 

Tufts College, 1 

University of Pennsylvania, 2 

Vermont State Library, 31 

War Department Library, 28 

Wellesley College, 1 
West Virginia Historical and Antiquarian Society, 1 

Western Reserve Historical Society, 95 

Wisconsin Historical Society, 1 

Worcester Society of Antiquity, 4 

Wyoming Association, 4 

Yale University, 3 

The following publications are received regularly from the 
office of publication : 

American Historical Review. ^ 


Book Reviews. 

Church Building Quarterly. 

Essex Antiquarian. 

Granite Monthly. 


Maine Bugle. 


Knox Co. Historical and Genealogical Record. 

Iowa State Record. 

New England Historical and Genealogical Register. 

Tennessee Board of Health Bulletin. 


The following newspapers are regularly received : 

Boston Dally Advertiser. 
Boston Daily Journal. 
Canaan Reporter. 
Contoocook Independent. 
Dover Enquirer. 
Exeter Gazette. 
Exeter News-Letter. 
Little to ?i Courier. 
Manchester Daily Union. " 
Meredith News. 
Merrimack Journal. 
Mirror and Farmer. 
Plymouth Record. 
Portsmouth Journal. 
Somersworth Free Press. 

Travellers' Record. 

Weekly News. 

Weekly Patriot. 

Of the special gifts to the library during the year we would 
mention six volumes containing the inscriptions on the tomb- 
stones of the old cemetery, Concord, transcribed by Dr. Wil- 
liam H. Hotchkiss of New Haven, Conn., and bound and pre- 
sented to the library by Hon. J. B. Walker; "The Kimball 
Family," by Hon. John Kimball; ''The Lane Family," Vol. 
II, by Rev. James H. Fitts of Newrields ; "McKeen's History 
of Bradford, Vt.," by Henry C. McDuffee of Bradford, and 
"Official Report of the Debates and Proceedings in the Mass- 
achusetts State Convention, 1853," three volumes, by David P. 
Kimball of Boston. *> 

Visitors to the library have averaged 143 per month. 


The present needs of the library will be given in the report 
of the committee specially appointed for that purpose. With 
the trend in the right direction, careful, painstaking, and unre- 
mitting labor, with the helpful co-operation of all interested, 
will in due time bring the library into such condition as will 
give it its highest possible value to visitors and patrons. 

Respectfully submitted, 

N. F. Carter. 

The report of the Standing Committee was presented by 
Hon. J. C. A. Hill, and accepted, and ordered to be placed on 

The report of the Library Committee was read by Hon. 
Amos Hadley, and by vote accepted and placed on file. 

The Special Committee appointed to provide a seal for the 
use of the Society reported through its Chairman, Hon. J. B. 
Walker, — that they had agreed upon a design consisting of a 
scroll and books with a lighted lamp of antique pattern. The 
design is circular in form, surrounded by a border bearing the 
Society's name and the date of its formation. The seal is to 
be engraved in two sizes, one for certificates of membership, 
two inches in diameter, and another for letter heads, book- 
plates, etc., of one and a half inches. 

The report of the committee was by vote accepted, and 
the design proposed was made the seal of the Society. 

Hon. A. S. Wait made a verbal report for the Committee of 

Hon. J. B. Walker, for the committee appointed to nomi- 
nate a list of officers for the ensuing year, presented the fol- 
lowing. The report of the committee was accepted, and 
the persons named were by vote of the Society declared to be 
the officers of the year ensuing : 

Hon. Lyman D. Stevens. 

Vice-Presiden ts. 

Hon. Albert S. Wait, ^ 

Hon. William C. Todd. 


Recording Secretary. 
John C. Ordway. 

Corresponding Secretary. 
Hon. A. S Batch ellor. 

William P. Fiske. 


Rev. Nathan F. Carter. 


Eli E. Graves, M. D. 


Hon. Joseph B. Walker. 

Standing Committee. 

Hon. J. C. A. Hill, 
Hon. John Kimball, 
Gen. Howard L. Porter. 

Library Committee. 

Amos Hadley, Ph. D., 

Rev. C. L. Tappan, 

Mrs. Frances C. Stevens. 

Publication Committee. 

Hon. Ezra S. Stearns, 
Rev. Nathan F. Carter, 
Hon. Samuel C. Eastman. 

The following named persons were by ballot elected mem- 
bers of the Society : 

William E. Spalding, Nashua, 
Prof. G. W. Bingham, Derry, 
George E. Meservey, Exeter, ^ 

Rev. D. C. Easton, Lakeport. 


The following were elected corresponding members of the 
Society : 

Francis Olcott Allen, 1300 Locust St., Philadelphia,. 
Secretary Pennsylvania Genealogical Society. 

Lt.-Col. John Murray Glidden, Newcastle, Me., Pres- 
ident Lincoln Co. Historical Society. 

Herman Weed Stevens, 13 Fairbanks St., Brookline r 

On motion of Hon. S. C. Eastman, 

Voted, That the annual tax of three dollars be levied on 
members for the ensuing year. 

Voted, That a committee of three be appointed by the chair 
to procure speakers for the ensuing year, and the chair ap- 
pointed as such committee the following: 

Hon. A. S. Batchellor, 
Rev. William C. Todd, 
Rev. C. L. Tappan. 

On motion of Rev. C. L. Tappan, 

Voted, That the secretary and librarian be authorized to- 
procure the printing of a sufficient number of manuals or 
small hand-books containing the constitution and by-laws, and 
lists of the officers and members of the Society. 

On motion of Hon. L. D. Stevens, 

Voted, That the treasurer be requested to report at the next 
meeting a list of all members who are delinquent in the pay- 
ment of dues. 

On motion of Hon. E. S. Stearns, 

Voted, That the president, recording secretary, and librarian 
be a committee to make arrangements for the Society's- 
acceptance of the invitation of the Historical Society of Old 
Newbury, Mass., to unite with them in the holding of a field- 
day meeting at Salisbury ]>each, Mass., the coming month, 
and report to individual members by circular or otherwise. 

On motion of the same gentleman the Society 

Voted, To present to the state library a volume of Old 
Norfolk County court records to complete the file recently 
acquired by the state. 


Hon. J. B. Walker presented the report of the committee 
appointed at a previous meeting, giving the amount of the 
Society's funds, its yearly income, and its more urgent needs. 
The report was accepted and the committee requested to 
present its recommendations in the form of amendment to the 

Voted, That Hon. L. D. Stevens, Hon. J. B. Walker, and 
John C. Ordway be a committee to prepare a revision of the 
•constitution and by-laws. 

Voted, That delinquent members be notified by the treas- 
urer of their arrears. 

Dr. E. E. Graves, necrologist, made a verbal report which 
was accepted. 

John C. Thorne moved that the consideration of the pur- 
chase of the Chadwick property adjoining the Society's lot 
be referred to the Standing Committee, and it was so voted. 

Voted to adjourn till 2 o'clock. 

Afternoon Session. 

The Society reassembled in the Senate Chamber at the 
State House at 2 o'clock in the afternoon. 

President Stevens presented Hon. Harry Bingham of Little- 
ton, who delivered the annual address upon the subject, "The 
Influence of Religion upon Human Progress." 

At the conclusion of Mr. Bingham's address, 

Voted, That the thanks of the Society be hereby tendered to 
Mr. Bingham for his very valuable address delivered on this 
occasion, and that a copy of the same be requested for preser- 
vation in the archives of the Society. 1 

On motion of Hon. J. B. Walker, 

Voted, That the Publication Committee be hereby requested 
to take into consideration the subject of publishing a new 
volume of Historical Collections, and the preparation of an 
index of the matter contained in the volumes already issued. 
Voted to adjourn to the call of the president. 

John C. Ordway, 


1 Mr. Bingham's address was published in a pamphlet in 1901 and distributed 
among his friends. 


Salisbury, Mass., July 15, 1897. 

The first adjourned seventy-fifth annual meeting and field- 
day of the New Hampshire Historical Society was held at 
Salisbury, Mass., Thursday, July 15, 1897, by invitation of 
the Historical Society of Old Newbury, Mass., to unite with it 
in a field-day meeting at Salisbury Beach on that day. The 
invitation to this society had been extended through the cour- 
tesy of Rev. Dr. Beane and transmitted by Miss Emily A. 
Getchell, secretary of the society at Newburyport. 

The delegation from the Society left Concord at 5 : 20 a. m. r 
via Manchester, Lawrence, Georgetown, and Newburyport, and 
arrived at Salisbury about 9 o'clock in the forenoon. The 
party was met at the railroad station by a committee from the 
Newbury society and escorted to the Methodist church in 
Salisbury, where the meeting was held. 

After a brief but cordial welcome by William Little, presi- 
dent of the Old Newbury society, and a further welcome to 
Salisbury by John Q. Evans of that town, and the singing of 
America by the audience, an address was delivered by Sidney 
Perley, of Salem, Mass., on the history of "The Ancient 
County of Norfolk," which county at one time embraced the 
towns of Exeter, Hampton, Dover, and Portsmouth in New 
Hampshire, and Salisbury and Haverhill in Massachusetts, 
and of which county Salisbury was the shire town. Brief 
addresses were also made by President Stevens, Hon. Joseph 

B. Walker, and Hon. A. S. Wait, of this Society, Rev. Samuel 

C. Beane, D. D., of Newburyport, John Q. Evans of Salisbury, 
Warren Brown of Hampton, Mrs. Caroline Haley Dall of Wash- 
ington, D.C., and others. 

A recess was taken at 12 o'clock and the party conveyed to 
the beach, where dinner was served at Hotel Cushiug, the 
New Hampshire visitors being the guests of the Newbury 

A short social season followed the dinner, and many enjoyed 
a stroll on the beach, after which, at 2 o'clock, the Society re- 
convened in Hope chapel, courteously tendered for the occa- 
sion by the Rev. Dr. Lord of Newburyport, and addresses were 
made by Prof. Bradbury L. Cilley of Exeter, Miss Lizzie Smith, 


Hon. William C. Todd, Rev. James H. Fitts of Newfields, and 
others, after which the Society adjourned subject to the call of 
the president, and the party, after visiting the rooms of the 
Historical Society of Newburyport, returned to their homes 
via Portsmouth, much gratified with the success of the pleasant 
gathering with their Massachusetts friends. 

John C. Ordway, 


Concord, September, 1897. 
The members of the New Hampshire Historical Society 
were invited to unite with the Maine Historical Society in a 
field-day excursion of the latter, to be observed at York and 
Kittery and the Isles of Shoals, Wednesday and Thursday, 
September 8-9, 1897. In compliance with the invitation, a cir- 
cular giving the itinerary and other details was issued by the 
secretary to individual members of this Society, a small num- 
ber of whom accepted the invitation, and reported as having 
had a very enjoyable excursion. No formal meeting of the 
Society was held. 

Concord, December 8, 1897. 

The second adjourned seventy-fifth annual meeting of the 
New Hampshire Historical Society was held in the rooms of 
the Society at Concord, on Wednesday, December 8, 1897, at 
2 o'clock in the afternoon, President Stevens in the chair. 

The Hon. Joseph E. Walker, representing the committee 
appointed at a previous meeting to prepare and submit for 
consideration a revision of the Constitution and By-Laws, made 
a report in writing, recommending a new draft of the same, to 
be substituted for that now in force, which shall read as fol- 
lows : 


I. The object of the New Hampshire Historical Society 
shall be to discover, secure, and preserve whatever may -relate 


to the natural, civil, literary, and ecclesiastical history of the 
United States in general and of this state in particular. 

II. The Society shall consist of active, corresponding, hon- 
orary, and life members. Any member may become a life 
member by the payment of fifty dollars, and shall ever after 
be exempt from assessment. 

III. The election of members shall be by ballot when asked 
for, and no member shall be elected by less than six votes, 
and the vote of two thirds of the members present shall be 
necessary to a choice. 

IV. Everyone proposed for membership (corresponding and 
honorary members excepted, with whom it shall be optional) 
shall pay before the annual meeting next following his or her 
election, the sum of five dollars. The Society may assess 
taxes at annual meetings on each active member, not exceed- 
ing three dollars in one year. Any person neglecting to pay 
any tax for the term of two years shall cease to be a member. 

V. The annual meeting of the Society shall be holden at 
Concord, on the Second Wednesday in June. Other meetings 
may be held at such times and places as the Society may 
from time to time direct. It shall be the duty of the presi- 
dent, and in his absence, of one of the vice-presidents, upon 
the application of three members, to call a special meeting of 
the Society, of which five days' notice shall be given. 

VI. The officers of the Society, to be elected at the annual 
meeting, and by ballot or otherwise, shall be a president, two 
vice-presidents, a treasurer, a recording secretary, a corres- 
ponding secretary, a librarian, and a necrologist, who shall 
hold their respective offices for the term of one year, or until 
others are elected in their places. 

VII. The Constitution may be amended at any annual meet- 
ing by the vote of two thirds of the members present : provided 
that notice of the proposed amendment shall be presented in 
writing to the Society at the preceding annual meeting. 

The report of the committee was accepted, and the new 
draft as above recorded was recommended for adoption at 
some future meeting, which shall comply with the present pro- 
vision for amending the Constitution. -" 



The By-Laws proposed by the committee and amended by 
2be Society, and formally adopted by a vote of the Society on 
the motion of Hon. A. S. Wait of Newport, are as follows : 

Article I. 

Section i. At every annual meeting there shall be elected, by bal- 
lot or otherwise, a standing committee, a committee on the library, 
and a publishing committee, who shall make a report of their doings 
at the next annual meeting, or as often as the Society shall direct. 
These shall be deposited in the archives of the Society ; and, if the 
Society shall deem necessary, they may, at any annual meeting, appoint 
other committees, and designate the duties to be performed by them. 

Sect. 2. When less than six members are present at any meeting, 
the consent of two thirds shall be necessary to pass any vote, except 
to adjourn. 

Sect. 3. The president shall preside at all meetings, or, in his 
absence, one of the vice-presidents, but in their absence the Society 
shall elect a president pro tempore, who shall then preside. 

Article II. 


Section 1 . The committee on the library shall direct the duties of 
the librarian, fix the times of opening the library, direct the arrange- 
ments of books, decide as to sales, exchanges, and binding of books 
and pamphlets. 

Sect. 2. All important books, manuscripts, relics and curiosities 
presented to the Society shall be acknowledged by letter, signed by 
the president and librarian, and every present received shall be re- 
corded, and an account of it rendered at the next annual meeting. 

Sect. 3. All valuable pamphlets shall be bound or kept in cases, 
except duplicates, but no work not a duplicate shall be sold or ex- 
changed except by consent and direction of the committee on the 

Sect. 4. All manuscripts shall be distinctly marked and kept in 
numbered cases, with the contents of each registered. 

Sect. 5. No book, pamphlet, map, manuscript, newspaper, or 
other article shall be taken from the library without the written order 
of a majority of the committee on the library, or by the publishing 
committee, for use in performing their duties, and all such orders 
shall be placed on file by the librarian. 

Annual meeting. 191 

Article III. 


Section i . The librarian shall annually give such security to the 
Society as the standing committee shall require, for the faithful per- 
formance of his trust, the security to be deposited with the secretary. 

Sect. 2. He shall receive and have in his custody all books, 
papers, and other articles, the property of the Society. These he 
shall properly classify, register, and keep in good order. 

Sect. 3. He shall make record of every donation presented to and 
accepted by the Society, designating the article given, the date, and 
name of the donor. 

Sect. 4. He shall, under the direction of the committee on the 
library, bind pamphlets in volumes or arrange in cases, and register 

Sect. 5. He shall paste a printed label on the inside of the cover 
of each book, signifying that it is the property of the Society, and, 
if a present, give the name of the donor. 

Sect. 6. He shall, at every annual meeting in June, present a list 
of all the books, manuscripts, and maps in the library, and relics and 
curiosities received during the year. 

Article IV. 


Section I. The standing committee shall recommend plans for 
promoting the objects of the Society, and arrange the order of the 
business for each meeting. They shall inspect the records, and see 
that all the orders of the Society are carried into effect with precision 
and promptitude, and make report at the annual meetings. 

Sect. 2. They shall regulate all the common expenses of the 
Society, make the necessary provision for such small articles as may 
be wanted, draw upon the treasurer for the payment thereof, and for 
all such sums as the Society may from time to time vote and appro- 
priate for specific purposes. 

Sect. 3. They shall perform the ordinary duties of a finance com- 
mittee, and direct the treasurer in his investment of funds belonging 
to the Society. 

Sect. 4. They shall, in case of the death, resignation, incapacity. 
or removal from the state of the secretary, treasurer, or librarian, take 
charge of the books, papers, and effects belonging to the office so 
vacated, and appoint a suitable person to care for the same unvH the 
next annual meeting. 


Sect. 5. They shall be a committee to settle with the treasurer, 
annually examine his accounts and vouchers, and make report thereon 
to the Society at each annual meeting, exhibiting a full and particular 
account of the state of the treasury and of the invested funds belong- 
ing to the Society. 

Article V. 


It shall be the duty of the publishing committee to edit such pub- 
lications from time to time as the Society shall direct. 

Article VI. 


Section i. The secretary shall attend all meetings of the Society 
and record their proceedings, and shall keep all letters received 
respecting the society on file, and be the custodian of the securities 
given by the treasurer and librarian, under the direction of the stand- 
ing committee. He shall record the names of all members of the 
society, and the time of their admission, and transmit to each of 
them, as soon as may be, a printed copy of the constitution and by- 
laws of the society. 

Sect. 2. He shall notify every officer whom the Society shall 
elect, unless such officer was present at the time of his election. 

Sect. 3. He shall notify all meetings of the Society, annual and 
special, by letter or otherwise, five clays previous to the day of meet- 
ing, in which notification the hour and place of meeting shall be desig- 
nated; but any neglect in this particular shall not prevent the annual 
meeting in June, or annul its proceedings. 

Article VII. 


Section i . The treasurer shall annually give such security to the 
Society as the standing committee shall require for the faithful per- 
formance of his trust. 

Sect. 2. He shall give seasonable notice to each member of the 
society of each and every assessment or tax. 

Sect. 3. He shall receive all moneys and evidence of property 
belonging to the society, pay all bills approved by the standing com- 
mittee, and keep a record of his receipts and expenditures, and make 
a report thereof to the Society at each annual meeting. 


Article VIII. 

Sect. I. No alteration or addition to the by-laws shall be made, 
unless there are eight members present, and three fourths of those 
present vote in favor of the same. 

The following persons were elected resident members of the 
Society : 

Wm. F. Whitcher, of Maiden, Mass. 
Edwin B. Pike, Haverhill, Pike's Station. 
Enoch Q. Marston, M. D., Centre Sandwich. 
Mrs. Dora B. Davis, Tilton. 
John F. Jones, Concord. 
Charles C. Danforth, Concord. 

On motion the Society adjourned to reconvene at the senate 
chamber in the state house at a quarter before eight o'clock 
this evening. 


The Society met at the hour and place above named. Hon. 
Edgar Aldrich, U. S. district judge, delivered the following 
address, the subject of which was, " The Affair of the Cedars 
and the Service of Colonel Timothy Bedel in the War of the 



Address prepared at the request of the New Hampshire Historical Society by Edgar 
Aldrich 2 of Littleton, N. H. 

Mr. President and Gentlemen : 

The steady march of our country to a leading position 
among the first nations of the earth has created a desire 
among our people to know more of the rugged character which 
made revolution successful, which founded a government so 
wisely and securely that its genius has become an incentive to 
advancing civilization throughout the world, which created 
conditions of liberty and security, calculated to induce a 
development of resources and an increase in population which 
are a marvel and a wonder to all men. 

For considerably more than a hundred years the subject of 
the future downfall of the United States government has been 
a favorite theme for foreign writers. Yet the government still 
lives and every new and unforeseen emergency, by testing its 
powers, demonstrates its comprehensiveness and the wisdom 
of those who created it. Time shows, that as to matters then 
known and expressly covered, the fundamental provisions of 
the government are wise and satisfactory, and while providing 
for then existing conditions of civilization with surprising 
intelligence and clearness, that as to future developments, as 
to situations not foreseen, the wisdom of the framers in pro- 
viding scope for the creation of power to deal with unseen 
emergencies was akin to inspiration. As to dangers seen they 

i This name in the early writings is variously spelled, " Beatle," " Beedle," 
" Bedle," " Beadle," " Bedell," and ''Bedel," but as used by Colonel Timothy him- 
self, it was speiled Bedel. 

*Note by EniroR. — The author of this address is a descendant of Colonel Tim- 
othy by the following lineage : 

i, Timothy ; 2, General Moody Bedel, his son ; 3, Adaline, the daughter of Moody 
by his first wife, Ruth Hutchins, who married Clark J. Haynes ; 4, Adaline Bedel 
Haynes, her daughter, who married Ephraim C. Aldrich, and who is the mother of 

Judge Aldrich. 


provided clearly and boldly. As to dangers not seen thev 
sagaciously and wisely trusted, under careful safeguards, to 
the generations to come, which must necessarily administer 
the functions of government. The provisions allowing scope 
for the expansion of power, in respect to conditions to be 
developed in the future, are quite as much a marvel of wisdom 
as the grants and limitations of power in respect to conditions 
then known. 

It is the growing desire to know more of the men who 
helped to quarry, and lay the foundation stones of this wonder- 
ful and ever surprising government of ours, which prompts the 
Historical Society to urge research respecting the service of 
Col. Timothy Bedel, of the Revolutionary period, whose name 
and fame have suffered for a hundred and twenty years, by 
reason of the precipitate and arbitrary conduct of General 
Arnold in respect to the affair at the Cedars. 

The responsibility of Colonel Bedel, in respect to the affair 
of the Cedars, and his attitude in the later stages of the strug- 
gle for independence, are left in doubt upon the detached and 
fragmentary printed matter in the archives of the country, and 
it is believed to be the duty of some one to set his memory 
right, to the end that justice may be done to a life of hardship, 
and a life of devotion to the service of a country. 

Timothy Bedel was prominent in the military and civil 
affairs of northern New Hampshire for a period of nearly 
thirty years, a period beginning before the war between France 
and England, and ending a few years after the close of the 
Revolution. During much of the time he exercised a vast and 
almost controlling influence in matters both civil and military 
in the upper Connecticut valley, and by this is meant the New 
Hampshire settlements on the west side of the state above 
Hanover. Mr. McClintock, the author of "History of New 
Hampshire" (by J. N. McClintock, 1889), in his article on 
"Lovewell's War and John Lovewell," in referring to the 
Bedel family, says : " The family have served their country in 
four wars as commissioned officers ; in three wars holding the 
rank of general." And in a note he adds: "General Timothy 
Bedel served during the Revolution ; his son General Moody 


served in the war of 18 12, his son General John Bedel was a 
lieutenant in the Mexican war and brigadier-general in the 
Rebellion." l We must in truth add another war to the four 
given by Mr. McClintock, for further research shows that Tim- 
othy held commissions in the French war, first as lieutenant in 
Captain Hazzen's company in 1760, and then as captain of a. 
company of fifty-one men posted at Crown Point in the winter 
of 1762-63 as the quota of the New Hampshire province 
"demanded by his Excellency General Amherst and under his 
command raised for securing his Majesty's Dominions and 
conquest in North America." In passing upon his muster rolls 
and accounts, the committee say that they are " well vouched 
and right cast." Thus the Bedel family stands as furnishing 
commissioned officers in the five and all the regular wars of 
this country, commencing with that of the French and Indian 

As a boy, Timothy was early found enrolled among the 
rangers and scouting companies on the frontiers, protecting 
the settlers from the violence and ravages of the Indians, and 
in his defence to the charge in respect to the affair of the 
Cedars, it was his pride, in the closing paragraph, to refer to 
his former service in the. following words: "I will only add 
that this is the twelfth campaign I have served, eight of which 
as a commissioned officer." 

Timothy Bedel was born, according to tradition, either in 
Salem, Mass., or Salem, N. H., between 1730 and 1736; and 
he died in Haverhill, N. H., in February, 1787. The histories 
and encyclopedias give his birth at 1740. General John Bedel, 
in a letter to the city clerk of Salem, Mass., in 1S52, says Tim- 
othy is reputed to have been born in 1736 or 1737. I think 
he was born even earlier than 1736. He was taxed in Salem, 
N. H., in 1757, and I believe him to be the Timothy Beatle 
who was out in Captain Goffe's scouting company in 1745. 
That Timothy, however, may have been his father, for his 
name was Timothy. It is said by Mr. McClintock, in his 
article on " LovewelPs War and John Lovewell," that Colonel 
Timothy was a lineal descendant of John Lovewell in a direct 

1 Vol. VII, Granite Monthly, p. 3S1. 


line. The John Lovevvell referred to will be recalled as the 
famous Indian fighter known in history as Captain John Love- 
well, who, in 1725, successfully conducted the campaign from 
Dunstable to the north and east of Lake VVinnipiseogee, in 
which a hostile Indian camp was completely annihilated, and 
who in the same year led a force against the Pequawkets on the 
Saco, losing his life in the celebrated Indian fight at what is 
now called Lovewell's pond, near Fryeburg in Maine. I 
cannot verify this statement of Mr. McClintock as to .the 
relationship of the Lovewells and Colonel Timothy Bedel. If 
justified it must be upon vague and unreliable tradition. 

It is true, however, that in his early service you frequently 
and almost universally find the name of a Lovevvell associated 
with his on the enlistment or muster rolls. Of the younger 
Lovewells, there was Zaccheus Lovewell, a younger brother 
of John, a colonel in the French war in 1759, and Captain 
Nehemiah, son of John Lovewell, who became a noted ranger 
seeking to avenge the death of his father. He was a lieuten- 
ant in 1756, and a captain in Colonel Goffe's regiment in 1760. 

A tendency to advance to the frontiers early manifested 
itself in Timothy Bedel, who left Salem, N. H., in early life, 
and, as would seem, working northward " scouting and rang- 
ing," finally settled in Haverhill in 1760 or a little later in 
what was then called the Cohos country. 1 

So far as ascertained, and subject to the qualification which 
I have stated, Timothy Bedel's first service to the Province 
as a soldier, was in Captain Goffe's company organized to 
make a scouting campaign from the Merrimack to the Connec- 
ticut river, which was begun on the 30th of July, 1745. Again 
we find him in 1754 in Colonel Joseph Blanchard's regiment, 
raised for his Majesty's service on the Merrimack and Con- 
necticut rivers. He was in a detachment of Colonel Blanch- 
ard's regiment, posted at Charlestown on the Connecticut river, 
under the command of Major Benjamin Bellows. I have 
referred to his service in the French war as lieutenant in Cap- 
tain Hazzen's company, and as commander of a company 

1 Timothy Bedel was one of the original grantees of Haverhill, N. H., Bath, N. H. 
and Newbury, Vt. 


" raised for securing his Majesty's dominions and conquest," 
-which was stationed at Crown Point in the winter of 1762. 1 

Under his advice and direction and by order of Governor 
John Wentworth in August, 1768, a company of militia was 
established in Coos composed of men from Piermont, Haver- 
hill, and Bath. This is understood to be the first militia 
organization in that locality, and was placed in command of 
Captain John Peters of Piermont. This company was raised 
to aid the civil authorities in an effort to suppress a band of 
counterfeiters, and in support of a warrant to be issued by 
Bedel in some judicial capacity. In the communication to 
Bedel, Governor Wentworth commends his "vigilence and 
address," and gives a significant hint as to judicial duty, for 
he says: "It will be right to recognize all the evidence possi- 
ble to convict offenders, ... if there are not Men of 
Spirit probity and Resolution eno' at Cohass to apprehend 
and bring down Wheeler notwithstanding his contumous 
Refusal and his Accomplices I will find such power even from 
this town, as shall not be resisted." 

In 1775 Timothy Bedel was elected from Bath to the Pro- 
vincial Congress to be holden at Exeter in May, 1775, t0 

1 The following is a copy of memoranda made by Gen. John Bedel Sept. 10, 1855 
in respect to the service of his grandfather in the French War, now in possession 
of Mary Bedel Drew, Colebrook : 

Timo. Bedel service in War from 1754 to 1763. 

1754. Scouting against the Indians under Col. Jos. Blanchard. Lt. Benj'a Bellows 

at or about No. 4. See Vol. 2, p. 121 Rep. Adjt. Genl. N. H., 1S66. 

1755. Under Genl. Johnson in his expedition against Crown Point. Troops from 

N. H. under Col. Jos. Blanchard, stationed at Fort Edward. 

1756. In Win, Stark's Co. of Rangers in 2d Expedition against Crown Point. 

1757. Went to Halifax as Lieutenant under Col. Meserve. 

1758. Under Genl. Amherst as Lt. at the capture of Louisburg. 

1759. Under Genl. Wolfe as Lt. at the taking of Quebec. 

1760. Under Genl. Amherst, Col. Jn" Goffe, Capt. J no Hazzen as Lt. at Conquest 

of Isle Aux Noix, St. Johns, Chambly & Montreal. 

1761. In Kings service under Genl. Amherst as Lieutenant Western frontiers guard- 

ing conquests. 

1762. Went to Havanna with Royal Provincials as Lt. was at the 6 weeks siege, 

and taking of that place and castle. 
Was appt<i Capt under Sir Jeffrey Amherst Oct. 13, 1762, and remained in 
service till after peace was made in 176*. Capts. Commission signed by B. 
Wentworth. Provincial Governor of N. H. now in the hands of Jo*in Bedel? 
Sept. 10, 1S55. 


organize an independent government, or take such action as 
the welfare of the colony might require. It was early evident 
to the Provincial Congress that the welfare of the colony 
demanded that the people should resort to arms, and on the 
20th of May, 1775, the Congress in a preamble to war resolu- 
tions, after setting forth the grievances of the American colo- 
nies, declared that "the late Hostilities committed by the 
British troops in our sister colony of the Massachusetts Bay 
leaves us no doubt in determining that no other way is left us 
to preserve our most darling Rights and Inestimable Privi- 
leges but by immediately defending them by arms. Reduced 
therefore by this most terrible necessity, this convention after 
the most solemn deliberations thereon have ist Resolved, 
That it is necessary to raise immediately Two Thousand 
Effective Men in this Province. . . ." 

On the 23d of May it was voted that Colonel Nathaniel 
Folsom " be appointed to the general command of the men 
that may be raised or are already raised in this Govert. for 
this season," and on the sixth of June, 1775, Timothy Bedel 
was appointed " to be Colonel of the Rangers raised by said 
Congress for the Defence of the United Colonies in America." 
This commission is headed " The Congress of the Colony of 
New Hampshire," and is signed, " By order of the Congress," 
by Nathaniel Folsom, President P. T., and by E. Thompson, 
secretary. The ranger force, sometimes called in the records 
"the company of rangers," sometimes "the regiment of 
rangers," and sometimes " the corps of rangers," was designed 
for service on the northern and western frontiers as a protec- 
tion against Indian and British invasion from Canada. Bedel 
did not immediately take command of any force under this 
commission, and I do not understand that the rangers were 
actually in the field until later in the summer of 1775. 

On the 30th of June the Provincial Congress voted to take 
the court records from the custody of John Fenton, who was 
supposed to be in sympathy with the crown, and to place them 
in the keeping of Colonel John Herd, and Colonel Bedel was 
chairman of a committee for that purpose. On the 3d of 
July, Dr. Wheelock laid before the Congress a letter giving an 


account of the " State of Matters in Canada," and it was voted 
"That Timothy Bedel and Mr. John Wheelock immediately 
proceed to the Congress of the colony of the Massachusetts 
Bay with a copy of said letter and further inform them relative 
thereto." On the 8th of July the Congress at Watertown 
returned a communication acknowledging receipt of the 
Wheelock letter and expressing satisfaction that the Congress 
of New Hampshire and the people generally in that province 
were so strongly attached to the common cause. 

At about this time the threatening conditions on the frontier 
induced the Committee of Safety to organize immediately a 
force for protection in that direction, and on the 7th of July 
made out a commission to " Colonel Bedel as captain of the 
first company of rangers in the service of the colony." This 
action was doubtless taken during his absence on his mission 
to the Massachusetts Congress at Watertown. Under this 
commission he was ordered to proceed immediately to North- 
umberland or Lancaster, and in conjunction with the inhab- 
itants erect a garrison sufficient for defence against small arms, 
and when that was done to assist the inhabitants in building 
garrisons at such other places on the frontiers as he with the 
advice of the inhabitants should think best. He was also or- 
dered to send out scouts as he should think expedient ; to take 
charge of all provisions sent, and to distribute them to such 
companies as should be posted by the Congress or the Commit- 
tee of Safety on the Connecticut river. He was directed to 
use his " utmost endeavors to gain and keep the friendship of 
the Indians by small donations," etc., and to send information 
to the committee. He was authorized to seize and examine 
any person suspected of a design to cross into Canada to hurt 
the cause of America, and if after examination he was satisfied 
of such design, he was to send them to Exeter for trial. He 
was to use his discretion with reference to all who appeared to 
be " inimical to the liberties of America." Although holding 
a colonel's commission he assumed command of a company for 
this special emergency. On the 28th of July, however, he ad- 
dressed a communication to Matthew Thornton, president of 
the Committee of Safety, in which he says, when he was with 


the committee and received ^orders for the northern depart- 
ment, he was willing to serve as a captain, although he had the 
command of three companies, but that he had that day re- 
ceived news from Crown Point that an army was forming for an 
expedition against the regular troops in Canada; that orders 
had been given to raise men on the river — meaning the Con- 
necticut — to serve under Colonel Allen, and he asks for orders 
to move that way, saying that he should "expect to have a 
regiment except some old experienced officer should offer." 

On the 29th of August, 1775, it was resolved in the Provin- 
cial Congress that Colonel Timothy Bedel should march with 
all the rangers in the colony under his command, without loss 
of time, to Haverhill, where they were to receive ten days' pro- 
visions, and thence march to the mouth of Onion (now the 
Winooski) river, and there join the army under the command 
of Major-General Schuyler. At about this time urgent calls 
for help came from Schuyler, who was investing St. Johns in 
Canada. Colonel Bedel entered upon preparations for the 
campaign with great energy, and marched with his force on the 
iothof September, and in eight days was before St. Johns, tak- 
ing a position on the north. It must be remembered that this 
march was made through an almost unbroken wilderness, there 
were no roads, and much of the way the march was upon a line 
of spotted trees. Bedel's force leaving Haverhill, New Hamp- 
shire, crossed the river at Bradford, Vermont, which was then 
called Mooretown, passed through Corinth, and probably up 
the valley of Wait's river, and over the highlands to Onion 
river, thence down that river to Lake Champlain, and 
thence by the lake to a point near St. Johns. A supply of live 
cattle was driven through the woods, and the flour and pro- 
visions were taken on the backs of horses. At the time there 
were no settlements on the line of march between Corinth and 
what is now Williston, Vermont. It is said that a part of this. 
force, as it neared Lake Champlain, bivouacked for the night 
on Onion river, at what is now called Winooski Falls. At that 
time there were only two families at the Falls — the Baker fam- 
ily and the family of a Mr. Bradley. The night of the arrival 
of the troops word came in that Baker, who was a hardy 


pioneer, had been killed by the Indians. The falls, which 
"wildly break the easy flowing waters of Onion river into the 
calm and beautiful expanse of Lake Champlain, were for a 
iong time called Baker's Falls, in honor and in memory of the 
pioneer and martyr; but the plain pioneer name of Baker, as 
well as that other and ever substantial name, "Onion," by 
which the river was known in the days when American history 
was made, has long since given way to the poetic fancy and 
charm which surround the name Winooski. In Colonel 
Morey's repoit to the Committee of Safety he commends the 
energy of Bedel in bringing this force so promptly to the sup- 
port of Schuyler, and in a communication sent by the Commit- 
tee of Safety to General Schuyler, Bedel is spoken of as a 
" person of great experience in war and well acquainted with 
Canada," and his force is described as being composed of 
rangers, hunters, and men accustomed to the woods. Upon 
the arrival of the volunteer company from Hanover, under 
command of Major Curtiss, which closely followed Bedel, that 
company was attached to his command, together with the 
Green Mountain boys, and a detachment from Colonel Hin- 
man's regiment. Other bodies of men, consisting of Cana- 
dians and Indians, were from time to time joined, so that at 
the fall of St. Johns Bedel's command numbered something 
like twelve hundred men, with a battery of four twelve- 
pounders, one mortar, and three Royals. Colonel Bedel was 
active in preparing for and conducting the siege of St. Johns 
and was commended for his energy and gallantry. Colonel 
Morey, in a communication to the Committee of Safety giving 
an account of the sortie of the enemy against Major Brown's 
position, in which affair Colonel Bedel was out with four hun- 
dred men to support Brown, but finding that he had retreated, 
attacked the enemy, driving it from its intrenchments and 
back to St. Johns, says, " I can assure you from all I can learn 
by the post, &c, that Col. Bedel behaved exceeding well in 
that affair, and that he does honor to the colony of New Hamp- 
shire." Meshech Weare, in a letter to General Washington, 
speaks of Colonel Bedel as "having approved himself well 
at the siege of St. Johns." In a report to the Committee of 


Safety on the 27th day of October, Colonel Bedel describes 
the part he tools, m the capture of Chambly, gives an account 
of the prisoners, munitions of war, and states his plan as to. 
the siege of St. Johns, and expresses anxiety as to Arnold's 
campaign against Quebec. In this communication he informs 
the Committee of Safety that his troops had not been paid; 
that he had applied to General Montgomery for money, who 
had informed him that he did not know whether the troops, 
were to be paid by the provincial or continental government.. 
He also calls attention to the suffering of the men ; the want 
of clothing; and expresses fear of sickness and desertions if 
money and clothing cannot be had. On the 2d of November, 
1775, at 8 o'clock at night, he sent a dispatch to the commit- 
tee, saying, "This moment I have got possession of St. Johns, 
and the post being obliged to set off have not time to copy the 
articles of capitulation, and to-morrow shall march for Mon-> 
treal, leaving a detachment to keep this fort." He closes this 
communication by saying: " For God's sake let me know how 
I must supply my men." 

Bedel performed an important service in the campaign for 
the reduction of St. Johns. The position was one of great 
consequence commanding as it did the road, and one of the 
principal water approaches to Montreal. It stubbornly resisted 
a siege of fifty or fifty-one days, but finally fell on the 2d 
of November, and General Montgomery's entrance into Mon-. 
treal followed as an easy result. 

It ought to be said in explanation of his strong appeal to the 
Committee of Safety, as well as for the purpose of showing the 
trying and discouraging conditions under which Colonel Bedel 
was carrying on his military operations, that the question was 
open whether the New Hampshire troops in Canada belonged 
to the military establishment of the province, or that of the 
Continental government, and that both governments neglected 
to pay. This condition induced General Sullivan to address a 
strong communication to the Committee of Safety, saying that 
the New Hampshire troops had more reason to complain than 
any other troops in the army. He reminded the committee 
that it could make no difference to the province whether the 


men were paid then or two months later, while to the men the 
difference was very great, as their families were in immediate 
necessity, and could by no means do without the money. 

I shall not follow the further service of Colonel Bedel dur- 
ing the fall and early winter of 1775. I have indulged in 
considerable detail in order that we may see as much as possi- 
ble of the character and ability of the man. I shall now come 
to the affair of the Cedars as it is known in history, as it is the 
design of this paper to treat chiefly of that affair, and briefly 
of Colonel Bedel's attitude to the Exeter government, the 
"New Hampshire Grants," and the "State of New Con- 

Timothy Bedel was dismissed from the service upon a 
charge of " quitting his post " at the Cedars, but was after- 
wards restored to his rank and to command. At the time this 
order was made, the circumstances were not understood. 
When the situation was known he was restored. A resolution 
of censure upon John-Stark was introduced in the Continental 
Congress after the battle of Bennington had been fought and 
won. Congress had not heard of the battle at the time. When 
it got the news it withdrew the censure, and thanked him. 

Ancestral blood, the previous conduct of Timothy, his char- 
acter and manifest quality, the courage and fidelity as distinctive 
characteristics of his son and grandson, all have legitimate 
probative force upon the question involved in the charge of 
quitting the post at the Cedars. 

When the conduct of others is in controversy, whether in 
respect to current transactions, or transactions in times long 
past, actual knowledge and actual certainty are seldom pres- 
ent. Therefore in reaching a conclusion as to the truth or 
justice of a given proposition we must necessarily, in the com- 
paratively greater number of instances, resort to processes of 
induction, and base our judgment upon probabilities resulting 
from previously known qualities and conditions in a sense con- 
nected, though remotely perhaps, with the proposition under 

It was in the heads and hearts of our forefathers io seize 
and hold Canada, and it was resolved in the fall of 1775 to 


accomplish its conquest, by invading expeditions directed from 
different points on the frontier, and over widely differing routes ; 
one by the way of the Kennebec, and another by way of Lake 
Champlain and the rivers. The reduction of the citadel of St. 
Johns, and the occupation of Montreal, were in pursuance of 
a general plan under which the armies of Arnold and Mont- 
gomery were operating. These plans involving invasion of 
remote territory and military operations upon land and water, 
made it necessary to increase the army. This necessity was 
augmented by the failure of success in Arnold's campaign 
against Quebec, for it was still the purpose to hold the territory 
north of the lakes. 

On the 19th of January, 1776, General Washington made a 
strong appeal to New Hampshire for reinforcements to be 
thrown into Canada, by the route named in General Schuyler's 
ietter. The New Hampshire government acted promptly in 
response to this appeal. Washington's letter was received at 
noon on the 20th when the assembly was about to adjourn. It 
was at once determined to have an afternoon session, and to 
attend to the business of the communication, and Meshech 
Weare, in a letter to General Washington dated the 21st of the 
same month, referring to his request for troops, says : " The 
assembly very readily and cheerfully agreed and resolved upon 
raising a regiment in the western frontiers as therein recom- 
mended to march directly into Canada for the reinforcement of 
our Brethren there," and that "The command is assigned to 
Col Tim Bedel who having approved himself well at the siege 
of St. Johns is just returned from Canada and we think will 
readily enter on the duty." The work of organization was 
pushed vigorously by the Committee of Safety. The regiment 
was to consist of eight companies and each company to con- 
sist of a captain, two lieutenants, one ensign, four sergeants, 
four corporals, one drummer, one piper, and seventy-six pri- 
vates, "all to be on the lines of the continental army by the 
the first day of February next." The men were to be enlisted 
for service in the northern army commanded by General Schuy- 
ler, and until the first day of the following January, and^were 
to receive two months' pay in advance. On the afternoon of 


the 20th it was voted that Isaac Butterfield, Esq., should be 
major, Joseph Waite, Esq., lieutenant-colonel, and that Colonel 
Timothy Beedle command the said regiment as colonel. 

On the 2 1 st, an order was issued to Israel Morey and John 
Bellows for regimental supplies which I give here in full as 
showing the outfit then considered necessary for a regiment 
of men. 

I give it for the further reason, that in these days of com- 
fort and plenty, these days when our homes are comfortable 
and happy and secure against savage and foreign foe alike ; 
these days when those who, in pursuit of duty or happiness, 
have occasion to cross the continent, may go in cars provided 
with all the conveniences of a modern hotel, when those who 
seek rest and pleasure in foreign countries may cross the 
mighty oceans in safety, reveling in the comforts and luxuries 
of a well appointed floating palace — in these days when inven- 
tion and science have advanced so far that even those who see 
fit to penetrate the extreme Arctic regions may harness the 
wind and produce light and heat which render their ice-bound 
habitations in the cold and dark of the Arctic night as com- 
fortable as our own summer homes at noonday, it is well 
to pause now and then and reflect upon the scanty appoint- 
ments, the plain living, the self-denial, the discomforts, and the 
hardships of our forefathers who established the independence 
of America and erected that magnificent governmental struc- 
ture which vouchsafes to us the blessings of liberty and security 
in all the comforts of the present day. 

In Committee of Safety, Jan y 21 st , 1776. 

You are desired immediately to procure on the best terms, 
the following Articles for the use of the Regiment now raising 
on the Frontiers of this Colony to march into Canada under 
the command of Col. Tim y Bedel, there to join the Northern 
Continental Army, and to deliver to each soldier his propor- 
tion of the same — of the Provisions at the rate of one pound 
of Pork one pound of bread & half a pint of pease each Day 
for their march from Connecticut River thro' the Woods to 
Onion River, which it is estimated will be fifteen clays at least; 
— and you are to keep an exact account of the delivery of the. 


12,000 lib salt Pork 

400 bushels of wheat to be ground into flour 
500 p r of mens shoes 
50 Moose skins for mogasons 
700 p r Rackets or snowshoes 
688 hatchetts or tomahawks. 

688 blanketts at 15 / to be allowed each soldier, if the 
blanket cost more the soldier to pay the overplus, if less to be 
made up to him. 

120 Tin camp kittles 


Musket Balls 


Ground Ginger 
200 Gallons Rum 

Yards Coarse cloth for Indian Leggings 

Coarse cloth for shirting 

Course cloth for mens Coats 
By order of the committee M. Weare, Chairman. 

Israel Morey \ £ - 
& John Bellows, ( ^ Sqrs ' 

On the 2 2d Bedel was commissioned as colonel. The com- 
mission is signed by Meshech Weare, president of the council, 
and by Eben Thompson, secretary, and describes the regi- 
ment as a regiment of rangers raised within said colony for 
the Continental service. On the 22d day of January, 1776, 
he was commissioned as colonel by the Congress of the United 
States, and the commission was signed by John Hancock, 
president, and Charles Thompson, secretary. 

On the 1st day of February, Washington, writing from Cam- 
bridge to Colonel Bedel, urges the utmost diligence and dis- 
patch possible. He says the necessity for reinforcements 
is so great that he would have him order each company to 
march as fast as they are raised and that the march into Can- 
ada should be byway of Onion river, and in a communication 
to General Schuyler, under date of January 24, he commends 
the influence and spirit of Colonel Bedel. 

The route into Canada was again by the way of the Onion 
river, Lake Champlain, St. Johns, and the rivers Richelieu and 
Sorel. ** 

In order to hold the territory north of the lakes, command of 


the water ways was necessary, and a point of land called the 
Cedars, at or near the junction of the waters of the St. Law- 
rence and Ottawa rivers and about forty-three miles above 
Montreal, was deemed to be a position of strategic importance. 
Xt was thought to be advisable to occupy and fortify this posi- 
tion, not only by reason of its command of the waters, but by 
^reason of its proximity to the native tribes. It is evident that 
"Washington attached considerable importance to this position, 
nand in a letter to General Sullivan be says : " Lest you should 
•conceive that I do not think that LaChine or the Cedars posts 
•of importance and whose defence are not very material, I must 
here add that I esteem them of mifch consequence." 

Under date of March 8, 1776, Arnold writes Washington, say- 
ing: U I have posted 500 men at the Cedars, a narrow pass 
•fifteen leagues above this place. They have two pieces of 
cannon and well intrenched, by which the enemy must pass." 

Colonel Bedel was in command of this post with a force of 
something like four hundred Continental troops. The works, 
according to the report of the committee, consisted of picketed 
lines or stockades and a breast work with two field pieces 
mounted. The position was surrendered by Mnjor Butterfield, 
who was in temporary command, on the 19th of May, during 
the absence of Colonel Bedel at Caughnawaga. 

It is important to observe in this connection, in view of the 
facts disclosed by Col. Bedel's defense, which is hereafter re- 
ferred to and given in full in a note, that at the time of the 
fall of the Cedars he was absent to treat with the Indians, that 
he had had large experience in Indian wars and in negotia- 
tions with the tribes, and had been charged by the Commit- 
tee of Safety and by Washington with the conduct of a pacific 

The particulars of the surrender, and of the outrages upon 
the prisoners on the part of the British and the Indians which 
followed, are not essential to my object, and it is sufficient for 
the purposes of this address to say that during the absence of 
Colonel Bedel the position was invested by a combined force 
of British regulars, Canadians, and Indians, which demanded 
the surrender of the position, with the intimation from the 


commanding officer that if resistance were made he could not 
be responsible for the consequences which would follow, giv- 
ing Major Butterfield to understand that in case the works 
were carried by assault, his force would be massacred. After 
two days' parleying and some fighting the position was sur- 

I do not propose to discuss the question as to the propriety 
of Major Butterfield's conduct, or to deal with the atrocities 
that followed. It is only material on this occasion to deal 
with the question of Colonel Bedel's responsibility in respect 
to the surrender. 

According to the best information I can gather, Colonel 
Bedel, though suffering with smallpox, left the Cedars on or 
about the 15th of May, leaving the position in command of 
Major Butterfield under orders ; that he crossed Lake St. 
Louis in response to a request of the savage chiefs to meet 
them in council at Caughnawaga ; that at this place he received 
information from friendly Indians that a large force was ad- 
vancing for an attack on his position at the Cedars; that, 
after considering whether the emergency demanded he should 
at once return to the Cedars or that he should proceed to 
Montreal for reinforcements, and that he might report the re- 
sult of his conference with the council of chiefs, he decided 
upon the latter course, considering at the time that the visit to 
Montreal would only delay his return to his command two or 
three hours. It is also apparent from the writings of Arnold 
and the commissioners as to threatening dangers at the Cedars, 
that his information was questioned, and that there was a lack 
of activity in getting off reinforcements. It is also- apparent 
that the advance of Major Sherburne, who was in command of 
a reinforcing party, was retarded by the lack of proper means 
of transportation across the lake, and by stress of weather. 

Colonel Bedel, after proceeding as far as LaChine on his 
return to the Cedars, was prostrated with disease, and thereby 
prevented from conducting the advance of the reinforcing 
party. During the time occupied by Major Sherburne's ad- 
vance the position was surrendered to the enemy, and when 
Sherburne's force, proceeding under great difficulties, had 


reached a point about four miles from the Cedars, it was sur- 
prised and overcome by the enemy, which advanced from the 
position Major Sherburne supposed to be in the hands of his 
friends. On the 26th of May, General Arnold proceeded with 
a large force to recover the position, but being informed by 
Captain Forster, commander of the British, that the force 
occupying the works largely consisted of Indians beyond his 
control, and that in case of an attack the prisoners surrendered 
by Major Butterfield, and such as were captured from Major 
Sherburne, would be massacred, agreed to a suspension of arms 
for six days and for an exchange of prisoners. The articles 
between General Arnold and Captain Forster were a subject 
of long controversy in Congress and elsewhere, which is not 
pertinent to the question we are considering. 

Under this misfortune and disaster, Arnold became violent 
and openly charged Colonel Bedel with leaving his post in the 
presence of the enemy. 

At about this time misfortune seemed to be overtaking the 
Continental cause in Canada at all points. The attack upon 
Quebec, which had involved a campaign of great expense and 
suffering, had failed ; Montgomery, who had combined with 
Arnold in the assault upon Quebec, had fallen ; the Continental 
armies had retreated to a point near Sorel, and Arnold had 
succeeded Montgomery in the active operations of the Northern 
army in the vicinity of Montreal ; General Thomas had suc- 
ceeded General Wooster at the expense of dissatisfaction and 
protests; the members of the commission with Franklin at the 
head, which had visited Canada for the purpose of creating 
sentiment -favorable to the Revolution, were in the vicinity of 
Montreal deploring the failure of their mission and the lament- 
able condition of the army, resulting from the disastrous 
campaigns, the lack of ammunition, provisions, and military 
stores generally, and the smallpox pestilence which afflicted 
the army at nearly every point. General Thomas was sick and 
dying with the smallpox, and General Schuyler was under sus- 
picion for advising further retreat in the direction of Lake 
Champlain, and was openly charged with being " The King's 
soldier." Arnold, smarting under his failure at Quebec, was 


now the active man in the Northern army, and as the result 
of lhe strain incident to the hardships and the failure of that 
most remarkable campaign, was dictatorial, irritable, and vin- 
dictive. The military post of the Cedars, which he considered 
of great importance as a strategic position, had been main- 
tained, as has been said, by Colonel Bedel under his orders, 
and he was in no condition to judge philosophically of the real 
cause of the loss of the position and the disaster that followed. 
Disagreeing with Colonel Bedel as to the scope of his verbal 
orders, and as to Colonel Bedel's duties in respect to a pacific 
policy toward the various tribes of Indians, and disagreeing 
with his claim that, when he was informed of the movement of 
a combined force of the British and Indians to attack his posi- 
tion, he was many miles from his command and within two miles 
of Montreal, and though sick with smallpox, that he was there 
to keep his prearranged engagement with the chiefs, and dis- 
agreeing with his further claim that he was prevented from 
returning with the reinforcements under Major Sherburne by 
absolute prostration with smallpox at La Chine, General Arnold 
arbitrarily and peremptorily ordered him to Sorel for trial. 

The swift vicissitudes of war necessarily involve hardship, 
injustice, and cruelty, but looking at this transaction with the 
conservatism that comes with the lapse of one hundred and 
twenty-one years, it is difficult to find evidence to justify this 
transaction. Timothy Bedel had been out in the volunteer 
service against the Indians from his boyhood days. He was 
a veteran of the French war. Theretofore in the revolutionary 
period, he had been the ever-present, energetic force in raising 
troops in the northwestern part of the colony of New Hamp- 
shire to meet the emergencies in the Northern army and the 
demands of the Committee of Safety. He had made a forced 
march from Haverhill through a wooded country to Lake Cham- 
plain, across the lake, and taken a position on the north side 
of St. Johns in eight days, when the committee had calculated 
upon fifteen. He had been energetic in the preparations for 
the siege of St. Johns ; he had participated in the affair of 
Chambly ; under the orders of Montgomery he had galla*htly 
led a force to repulse the sally against Major Brown, and dur- 


ing the progress of the siege of St. Johns, if his letter of 
August 13, 1776, to General Gates be true, the command of 
the besieging force was delivered to him by Montgomery, and 
kept until the surrender of the fort; and if the same authority 
be true, his conduct of the siege so far raised him in the esteem 
of General Montgomery, that he gave him t; the command of a 
party to go down the river St. Lawrence to seize and take the 
vessels there," in which enterprise he '-took 11 sail." Return- 
ing to New Hampshire in January, 1776, and responding with 
promptitude to the urgent call of Washington and the resolute 
action of the Committee of Safety, he, with renewed and in- 
creasing energy, raised another regiment, and at an inclement 
and cruel season, brought it through the woods on snowshoes 
or rackets and over the frozen lakes and rivers and into posi- 
tion at the Cedars, in the early spring. In view of such evi- 
dence of quality, courage, and loyalty to a cause, it is difficult 
to believe that he quitted his post by reason of a rumor that a 
hostile force was approaching. 

Colonel Bedel pleaded for a trial and justification, but did 
* not get either at Sorel. 

Sullivan retreated first from Sorel to Chambly and upon the 
advance of the British set fire to the fort and retreated to SL 
Johns, to which point Arnold had retreated with the force under 
his command at Montreal. After burning Fort St. Johns, the 
Continental army fell back, first upon Isleaux-Noix, then to 
Isle-la-Motte, and finally to Crown Point and Ticonderoga. 

In a letter to General Gates written from Crown Point July 
12, 1776, Colonel Bedel said: "I am now under confinement 
these forty days or more, for a crime I am sensible I am inno- 
cent of, and which I hope your Honour will find. I am under 
a court of inquiry — only wait the decision of the affair. Shall 
be glad your Honour will let me have the liberty to repair to 
Ticonderoga, and have it determined. The President and part 
of the members are there ; shall be glad the rest might be 
ordered to attend. ... I cannot help repeating a desire 
to have the affair settled as soon as possible, so that I may 
have a final determination, according to my deserts."^ 

It is evident that Arnold gave Sullivan and his superior 


officers to understand that Colonel Bedel left his post in the 
presence of dinger. Such stories occasioned strong expres- 
sions of condemnation from Sullivan, and caused General 
Washington to say that " if the accounts of Colonel Bedel's 
and Major Butterfield's conduct be true, they have certainly 
acted a put deserving the most exemplary notice." It ought 
to be observed that these expressions were based upon the un- 
founded charge and rumor that Colonel Bedel left his command 
in the presence of the enemy. Colonel Bedel was not tried on 
any such charge, and from the nature of his defense and the 
character of the findings of the court, it is to be presumed that 
such charge could not be sustained, and that General Arnold, to 
whom Colonel Bedel refers in his defense — which I shall append 
to this paper 1 — sought to hold him responsible for being away 


[Manuscript Bedel Papers (among archives Historical Society),/. 40.] : By the most unjust and ungenerous Miss Representation of facts, 
I have had the miss fortune to be Censured by the Public for a Crime which I know 
myself Perfectly Innocent of. It was ever my intention to have apply'd for a like 
Court of enquiry on this part of my Conduct. But General arnold has prevented 
that application which from the length of time and severity of my confinement I could 
have wished he had saved himself that trouble. The charge against me and what 
only as I concieve Gentlemen will fall under your consideration is for quitting the 
Post at the Cedars, the language and insinuations of this charge inlpute nothing less 
than Cowardice. It was my miss fortune and a very general one too, that it fell to 
my lot to be ordered immediately on my arrival in Canada to take the Command of 
this unlucky post Carringnon St. anns as well as to Cultivate a friendship with the 
Indians and engage them if possible in the service of the united Colonics — The Com- 
mand was equally as undesired as Difficult & Disagreeable, more especially when 
considered how ill provided I was with every necessary means of De'ence in that 
quarter, or even to secure a Retreat if that last resource became necessary — In vain 
did I frequently apply to Genl Arnold the then Commanding officer at Montreal for the 
most necessary supplys of ammunition provisions, Intrenching tools and Batteaus the 
latter of these articles the security of the men at these several posts greatly 
Depended — We were frequently living on less than halt allowance of provisions the 
natural Consequences of a 1 which was the geatest discontent & dissatisfaction of the 
officers and very little short of a mutiny amongst the soldiers. It has been urged in 
this Court by my Prosecutor that it was never his Intintion that I should leave the 
post at the Cedars unhappy am 1, that I did not comprehend his meaning as it now 
appears by his wisdom as in that case I should have had less care less trouble and less 
fatigue of both body and mind If I have mistaken the letter and words of his order 
I have not been alone in it — as it has been given in evidence by a worthy gentleman, 
a brave and experienced officer, and from whom I first Received my orders and 
Instructions, that I was not limited to the post of the Ceders only, either-tay Genl. 
arnolds verbal or written orders. It is likewise proved that I attended a meeting of 


from the Cedars when the attack was made. From the best 
information I can gather, Arnold's first charge against Colonel 
Bedel involved cowardice, and it finally resulted in a charge 
which amounted to a too liberal construction of his orders and 
instructions, in respect to Colonel Bedel's authority ; in other 

the Savage Chiefs at Coughnawaga During this Command by Generall arnolds ap- 
probation, and by his own evidence as it now appears. It is also in proof that it was 
proposed by General arnold himself or in his presence that I should visit the post of 
Carringnon — I never Concieved that by my written orders or any other verbal Instruc- 
tions from Genl. arnold, that I was to remain at the Ceders and at that post only, but 
on the contrary that I was to establish, over see, & have an eye to the several Differ- 
ent post and to protect all that part of the Country — an in Particular to attend to 
the Cultivation of a friendship with the savages. This most Disagreeable part of 
my Duty led me to comply with the Request of the Savage Chiefs in metting them 
in Council at Coughnawaga even at a time when I was III with the Small Pox. 

The post at the Ceders was at that time in as perfect tranquility as it had ever 
before been, were it otherwise was I to suppose that the Defence of that place 
Depended entirely on m*.? I was but a man and a sick man at the time, there were 
a number of Reputed good officers at that time and place the orders which I left you 
have seen — and I hope will in part piead my Justification — 

In the next place when I Received advice at Coughnawaga of the approach of the 
enemy; what was I then to do ? I must own I was myself at a loss, Rather inclined 
to Return Immediately, But the Savages in Council Insisted that I should go to 
Montreal and there Represent the Situation of that part of the Colony which very 
particularly Reguarded themselves — as well as the Troops at the several posts, they 
proposed and sent me with two of their young men in a Canoe to Montreal, had I 
not consented to their Request in this Instance I should have Disobliged them and of 
course Disobeyed that part of my written and verbal orders— and I thought at any 
rate that it could make but two or three hours Difference in my Returning to the 
Cedars, the Delay at Montreal was not my fault, when I arrived at La Chine on my 
way to the Cedats, Sickness absolutely prevented me from proceeding with Major 
Shelburn — his, Cumstan's & Miller's oath, proves that the want of Batteous was the 
(cause of) the loss of the post at the Cedars as otherwise he would have been there 
time enough to have Relieved the besieged — But it seems that' private property and 
particular security has been more attended to than the Public service otherwise the 
boats would have been sent with Major Shelburn as promised me, and at first ordered — 
These facts Gentlemen I hope have generally appeared in proof to your satisfac- 
tion — If I have erred in Construing the words or meaning of Genl. Arnolds orders I 
hope it will be considered as an error in judgement, a Defect in the head and not in 
the heart — I will only add that this is the Twelvth Campaign I have served, eight of 
which as a commissioned officer & during all of which service I never was brought to 
a Court martial Confined or even Repremanded before, But on the Contrary I have 
ever had the good fortune of doing my Duty in such a manner as was pleasing and 
satisfactory to my several Commanding officers, for the proof of which I can appeal 
to several officers of Distinction here nosv on the ground— I here close my Defence 
with a perfect satisfaction and the Greatest regard to the opinion of every Gentle- 
man in this Honourable Court not doubting in the least but that I shall be^cquitted 
with Honour — 

Crown Point 9th July, 1776. T. Bedel 


words, to a technical military offense. Upon the question of 
the scope of Arnold's verbal instructions, and Bedel's authority 
in respect to overseeing and having an eye to several posts, 
"and in particular to attend to the cultivation of the friend- 
ship of the savages," General Arnold and Colonel Bedel seem 
to have been at variance and so seriously so that the question 
became one of veracity between the two. 

Under the impulsion of Arnold's power and ascendency at 
the time, an incomplete court of inquiry found Colonel Bedel 
guilty of the technical offense charged — "for quitting his post 
at the Cedars." It would seem that Arnold's claim was that 
Colonel Bedel's command was limited to the particular posi- 
tion at the Cedars, and being absent without leave was a vio- 
lation of his instructions, while Colonel Bedel claimed other- 
wise, and in this respect Bedel would seem to have the weight 
of evidence, because he refers to its appearing in the case 
from Arnold's own evidence, that he attended a meeting of 
the savage chiefs at Caughnawaga with his approval, and that 
he visited other posts at the request of Arnold or with his 

Major Butterfield was removed from the army and was 
incapacitated from thereafter holding a commission. Colonel 
Bedel was removed from his command but not incapacitated 
from holding commission, and the court of inquiry thus made 
a distinction in favor of Colonel Bedel. It is difficult to find 
evidence to warrant even this finding of a technical military 
offense. Indeed it is difficult to see wherein Colonel Bedel 
was in the slightest degree culpable in respect to the matter 
involved in the charge, or in any way responsible for the sur- 
render of the fort. When he left the position to discharge 
what he supposed to be an important duty in the service of 
his country, things were tranquil at the post and no immediate 
danger was apprehended. 

It is worthy of mention in this connection that within a 
month after the disposition of Colonel Bedel's case, in which 
Arnold was the chief prosecutor, in a communication to Gen- 
eral Gates written on the 6th of August, 1776, General Erjoch 
Poor, president of the court martial, made serious complaint 


against Arnold for his arbitrary, indecent, and contemptuous 
conduct in connection with an attempt to bully through 
unfounded charges against Colonel Hazen. Colonel Hazen 
was honorable acquitted, and a demand was made that Gen- 
eral Arnold be put under arrest for his insolence and miscon- 
duct. In a communication to congress in respect to this 
affair, General Gates says : "' The warmth of General Arnold's 
temper might possibly lead him a little farther than is marked 
by the precise line of decorum to be observed before and 
towards a court-martial." But in view of the exigencies of the 
service at that important moment, the demand for General 
Arnold's arrest was not complied with. 

Colonel Bedel for a time suffered in military circles by rea- 
son of this affair and in fact never received due credit for his 
important service at St. Johns, but it is apparent that those 
who knew the man, and especially the people of the Western 
frontiers, never lost confidence in his loyalty and courage. 

Colonel Bedel returned to Haverhill and was in communica- 
tion with Generals Gates and Schuyler much of the time dur- 
ing the summer and winter of 1777 in respect to military opera- 
tions on the borders, and was much of the time active in con- 
nection with the ranging and scouting service which was main- 
tained in the direction of the frontiers. 

Upon the alarming accounts of the advance of the British 
at a period just before the battle of Bennington, many detach- 
ments of men, and volunteer organizations, hastened on their 
own motion in the direction of the coming contact. Men who 
had held high rank went in subordinate capacities, and as the 
haughty Burgoyne advanced to meet Gates at Saratoga, the 
same spirit was manifested. John Langdon went as captain 
of a company in which majors, captains, and lieutenants were 
enrolled as privates. Langdon had been a delegate to Con- 
gress, he had held military command with the rank of colonel, 
had been judge of the court of common pleas, and was speaker 
of the house of representatives, and as such, upon news of the 
approach of Burgoyne, arose in his place and made this effec- 
tive speech : " Gentlemen, I have three thousand dollars in 
hard money, thirty hogsheads of Tobago rum worth as much. 


I can pledge my plate for as much more. These are at the 
service of the state. With this money we can raise and pro- 
vision troops. Our friend, John Stark, will lead them. If we 
check Burgoyne the state can repay us, and if we do not, the 
money will be of no use to me." His company, under such 
conditions, joined General Gates at Saratoga. At the same 
time a volunteer company of thirty-four men went from 
Haverhill and Bath against Burgoyne under Colonel Joseph 
Hutchins as captain. Timothy Bedel serving as first lieutenant, 
although having held the rank of colonel. In the same com- 
pany Josiah Howe served as second lieutenant and Esekial 
Ladd as ensign. This company was out from August 18, 
1777, to October 5, and according to the authority of Governor 
Harriman and others, Timothy Bedel fought bravely as a vol- 
unteer in the army of General Gates at the battle of Saratoga.. 

The organization of this volunteer company appears on page 
386 of the adjutant-general's report for the year 1868, and in a 
note which appears on page 242 of the report of 1866, in 
speaking of Colonel Bedel and the affair of the Cedars, it is 
said : The facts of the unfortunate disaster exonerate him 
completely, as he was away to Montreal, and there was little 
doubt that had Colonel Bedel or any other brave Oiricer been 
in command, the result .would have been different. 1 

On the 10th of November, 1777, Colonel Bedel was again 
called into service through a commission signed by Henry 
Laurens, president of Congress, and countersigned by General" 
Horatio Gates, in which it is declared, " We, reposing especial 
Trust and Confidence in your Patriotism, Valour, Conduct and 
Fidelity, Do, by these Presents, constitute and appoint you to 
be a Colonel of a Regiment of Volunteers in the Army of the 
United States, raised for the Defence of American Liberty, and 
for repelling every hostile Invasion thereof." The regiment 
which he was then called to command was raised by order of 
Congress, and is variously designated in the state records as a 
regiment for an expedition against Canada, and as a regiment 

J This report of the adjutant-general is understood to be the work of Judge 
Chandler E. Potter, who was the most accomplished military historian oj the state 
in his day. 



raised for the defence of the frontiers on and adjacent to the 
Connecticut river. This regiment was mustered and did ser- 
vice principally in the Connecticut valley. A detachment of 
the regiment was at one time on duty at Albany, another part 
did scouting service under orders from General Stark, from the 
Onion river road to the post at Rutland, another company 
was stationed for some time at Royahon ; scouting parties 
were maintained at different points on the frontier, and a part 
of the force was engaged in clearing roads in the direction of 
Canada. This road was known as the Bedel-Hazen road, and 
extended about fifty miles beyond Peacham, through Cabot, 
Walden, Hardwick, Greensborough, Craftsbury, Albany, and 
Lowell, and crossed the Green Mountains through what is 
known as Hazen's Gap. This regiment was early under orders 
from Gates for a secret expedition to Canada, and in March 
was prepared to advance with a large number of Indians, 
but on the day when the campaign was to open, orders came 
from General Conway suspending- it. Colonel Bedel later 
received a communication from Lafayette, who was then in 
command at Albany, expressing regret at the suspension of 
the expedition, and directing him to keep the regiment 
together on the continental footing and to engage it in scout- 
ing the frontier. The expedition contemplated by Gates was 
to be directed against the fort at St. Johns, the capture of 
which was expected to be accomplished through surprise, and, 
if successful, the fort was to be laid in ashes. Colonel Bedel 
was given full discretionary power with respect to the move- 
ment, and he was instructed to give the public to understand 
that his regiment was intended for a movement against New 
York. Colonel Bedel communicates to Gates his willingness to 
undertake the expedition, and informs him that he has already 
secretly sent parties into Canada to learn the situation, and 
says that Major John Wheelock, son of Rev. Dr. Wheelock, 
president of Dartmouth College, is desirous of going with him 
on the expedition. 

On February 15, 1778, plans for the execution of the expe- 
dition were suspended by order of General Conway,^and 
Colonel Bedel was directed to remain with his troops at Coos 



until further orders and report to Lafayette. In a communi- 
cation to General Gates on the 14th of March, 1778, he 
reports that the regiment was complete, and refers to a confu- 
sion of orders in respect to whether the command was under 
Stark or Lafayette, saying that he received a letter from 
General Stark informing him that he had command of the 
expedition, and another from Colonel Hazen to march, and 
that Lafayette had the command. On the 16th of March, 
Lafayette addressed a communication to Colonel Bedel, direct- 
ing him to maintain his regiment and to "constantly keep out 
Scouting Parties in order to prevent as much as possible any 
Spies or Parties of the Enemy from coming among us and 
re-turning again, as I understand there are British officers (or 
at least Tories) Recruiting in the Country you will take par- 
ticular care to Discover and Apprehend them, you will keep 
Spies with the Enemy to watch their motions and learn their 
Intentions, and give particular Accounts of any Intelligence 
you may receive to the officer Commanding at Albany." In 
the same communication, Lafayette directed Colonel Bedel to 
"take Care to inform the Committees of the Measures we are 
taking for the Security of the Inhabitants in those parts, and 
jointly with them you will make every necessary Preparation 
for the Fort they have desired of. me, and you will send to me 
as soon as possible the answer of the Engineer." Acting upon 
these instructions of Lafayette, a meeting was called of the 
committees of the fifteen towns on the Connecticut river to 
get the sense of the towns as to what action should be taken 
for the security of the frontiers on Connecticut river. This 
meeting was held at Captain Hutchins's in Haverhill, and 
thanks were voted to Lafayette for his care and protection, 
and that a fort should be built at or near Ammonoosuc, Upper 
Coos, that a blot khoikse be kept at or near Barnet and good 
scouts from Corinth to Onion river, and from the Grand Fort 
to the blockhouse and Corinth, and that barracks be built at 
Haverhill, and some place of safety for the stores where head- 
quarters ought to be kept. 

On the 24th of May, 1778, General Stark wrote to General 
Gates, who had called on Governor Chittenden of Vermont 


for three hundred men to be sent to Albany, opposing their 
removal irom Vermont and giving a reason for his opposition, 
sayiflg: *We expect an invasion, for the enemy's vessels are 
now at Crown Point cruising along the lake which lies sixty 
miles on the frontier of this state. I have ordered Colonel 
Bedel to keep scouts at Onion river and St. Johns and make 
report to me of any movement of the enemy on those parts." 
In the same letter General Stark incidentally says : "I have a 
great deal of writing and should be much obliged to your 
Honour to allow me a clerk." Early in June information 
came of a large number of Indians in war paint, in the vicinity 
of Caughnawaga, destroying property as they advanced. Colo- 
nel Bedel immediately issued notice to "all officers and sol- 
diers who are engaged for the regiment under my command 
for the defense of the frontiers to be ready as quick as possi- 
ble as they may depend upon it our most unnatural enemies 
threaten ruin to these settlements." He said : " I have the 
certainty of it three different ways and all agree that a party 
of Indians and Tories (the worst of enemies) are coming 
against the inhabitants on the river by three different routes." 

The correspondence between Colonel Bedel and Generals 
Gates, Schuyler, and Lafayette, shows that during the years 
1777 and 1778 he was active in the plans and preparations 
for what was deemed to be a necessary defense of the fron- 
tiers. Among the many reports relating to this service is one 
from Louis Vincent, interpreter, to the commissioner of Indian 
affairs and the commander-in-chief, under date of June 26, 
1778, in which he gives an account of the expedition to 
Penobscot to visit the Penobscot tribe of Indians, under the 
orders of Colonel Bedel and by direction of the commanding 
officer at Albany. 

The political status of the people in the " Hampshire 
Grants" had been, as is well understood, a subject of acrimo- 
nious controversy from a time considerably antedating the 
Revolutionary period, and after the Declaration of Independ- 
ence the inhabitants in the Connecticut valley on the east 
side of the river claimed to be at liberty to connect themselves 
with whatever colonial or state government they saw fit. This 



idea was expressed in various forms, but a committee of the 
inhabitants of the towns of Haverhill, Lyman, Bath, Gun- 
thwait, Landaff, and Morristown, chosen at a meeting of the 
inhabitants thereof, warned for the purpose of choosing a 
representative and councilor for the county of Grafton, in 
which they refused compliance with the precept to elect, and 
elected a committee to return the precept with the reasons for 
non-compliance, expressed the idea and the reasons for non- 
compliance as follows : 

44 First. Because no plan of Representation has yet been 
found in this State consistent with the liberties of a free 
people; and it is« our humble opinion that when the Declara- 
tion of Independency took place, the Colonies were absolutely 
in a state of nature, and the powers of Government reverted 
to the people at large, and of Consequence annihilated the 
political existence of the Assembly which then was." This 
report states other grounds for non-compliance, and is signed 
by a committee of five, at the head of which was Ephraim 
Wesson, who, it is said, was an ancestor of Melville Weston 
Fuller, the present chief justice of the Supreme Court of the 
United States. 

On the ioth of May, 1776, the Continental Congress had 
recommended the colonies to form for themselves governments 
suitable to the exigencies of the complete separation from 
Great Britain. At this time Dartmouth college consisted of a 
district three miles square in Hanover, surrounding the col- 
lege. This district was called Dresden, and had a magistrate 
for its civil government, and the educational institution and 
its officers exercised a potent influence over the events of 
that exciting period. On the 31st of July, the Committees of 
Safety of the towns of LandarT, Bath, Haverhill, Orford, Lyme, 
Hanover, Cardigan, Canaan, Enfield, Lebanon, and Plainfield 
were assembled in the college hall and" made declarations 
through a printed address which had a great influence upon 
the sentiment of the people of the Connecticut valley with 
respect to the relation which they sustained to the Exeter 
government. This address in effect ignored the Exeter gov- 
ernment and asserted the right of the people of the Connec- 


ticut Valley to lay the foundations of a government for them- 
selves or connect themselves with whatever government they 
saw fit. As a result of this meeting and the sentiment created, 
all the Grafton towns and a portion of the towns in Cheshire 
county refused to send representatives to the Exeter assem- 
bly. Many precepts were returned stating the reasons. 
Meshech Weare, who was then president of the Council of 
Safety at Exeter, forwarded a copy of the address to the New 
Hampshire delegates in Congress, and said: "I enclose you 
an address of several towns in the County of Grafton to the 
people at large (fabricated, I suppose, at Dartmouth College), 
and calculated to stir up contention and animosities among us 
at this difficult time; especially as our government is only 
temporary and the state of matters not allowing a revisal. 
However, this pamphlet with the assiduity of the college gen- 
tlemen has had such an effect that almost the whole county of 
Grafton, if not the whole, have refused to send members to 
the new assembly." 

I do not propose to discuss at any length the merits of the 
controversy involved in the attempt of Governor Wentworth 
to control the territory as far west as Lake Champlain and the 
effort of New York on the other hand to extend its jurisdiction 
and lines to the Connecticut river, or of the other scheme of 
the people in the territory east of Lake Champlain and includ- 
ing the inhabitants on the east side of the Connecticut river, 
to establish a state by themselves. It is only important here 
in a general way, as bearing upon the career of Colonel Bedel. 
Looking at the attitude of Colonel Bedel and others on the east 
side of the river as having reference to an original and an open 
question to be settled upon natural rights and economic con- 
siderations, it can easily be seen that they mi<;ht view their 
interests and convenience as leading in the direction of a sep- 
arate state in the Connecticut valley. 

It must be recollected that the inhabitants of the valley were 
largely and almost wholly from the states of Massachusetts 
and Connecticut, with few ties binding them to the people on 
the east side of the colony of New Hampshire. It must also 
be recalled that there were no railroad connections ; that they 


looked to the great waterways as the lines of commerce and 
social intercourse between localities; and the Connecticut river, 
which united the upper Connecticut valley with Massachusetts 
and Connecticut, furnished the natural and only known con- 
venient means of transportation. Looking at the question, 
therefore, as one divorced from binding relations with that 
part of New Hampshire located upon the seashore and the 
great rivers on the east side of the state leading to the ocean, 
one can readily see that the people on the Western frontier 
would be naturally drawn in the direction of a government in 
the valley of the Connecticut. The attitude in respect to this 
question, whether right or wrong, in no way involved disloyalty 
to the greater cause of independence from Great Britain. 

It is apparent that Colonel Bedel was in sympathy with the 
political doctrines based upon what was urged as a natural right 
resulting from the separation from the mother government 
and with the purpose to bring the inhabitants in the Connecti- 
cut valley on the east side of the Connecticut river into the 
Vermont government, and he represented the towns of Lyman, 
Morristown, and Bath in the General Assembly of Vermont in 
178 1, and was unanimously, in the same year with Capt. Eben- 
ezer Brewster, chosen a member of the Vermont Board of War. 

General Stark, on the other hand, was a strong partisan of 
the Exeter government, and was prejudiced against Colonel 
Bedel by reason of his attitude in respect to the Connecticut 
valley doctrines of natural right, and his prominence in the 
valley politics. 

The inner controversy resulting from Vermont's resistance 
of the claims of New Hampshire and New York, and this Con- 
necticut valley view, became very bitter, and bloodshed was 
only held in abeyance by the greater controversy involving the 
struggle with the common enemy and the independence of the 
colonies, which they all wanted, and one can find reason for 
suspecting that the desire of Elisha Payne, the Wheelocks, and 
Bedel for the maintenance of the regiment of 1777 and 1778 
in the Connecticut valley, which was to be manoeuvred gen- 
erally against the common enemy, was influenced somewhat 
by this situation. 


In 1778 sixteen of the New Hampshire towns joined Ver- 
mont. This union was terminated in a year. In 1781 another 
union was formed between thirty-seven New Hampshire towns 
east of the Connecticut river and Vermont. As has been said, 
Colonel Bedel's attitude in respect to this territorial question 
was such as to draw the fire of Stark, who seriously assailed 
his regiment and his military operations for the defense of the 
frontiers, and in effect took the ground that there was no 
necessity of its continuance. The usefulness and footing of 
Colonel Bedel's regiment was, therefore, in a sense, involved 
in the political acrimony resulting from the various claims in 
respect to the border New Hampshire and Vermont towns. 
There was considerable controversy and investigation, but the 
regiment remained in service until April, 1779, when it dis- 
banded. This controversy was largely the result of bad blood, 
and according to an autograph letter from General Washington 
to Colonel Bedel, on the nth of December, 1779, would seem 
to relate to alleged mal-conduct of the quartermaster and com- 
missaries of purchases and issues at Cohos. This letter is to 
be found in the manuscript volume of " Bedel Papers " (p. 106), 
now among the Historical Society archives. Letters of Colonel 
Hazen, published in the "State Papers" (Vol. XVII, pp. 355- 
358), also tend to explain the nature of this controversy. It 
must be admitted that our forefathers preferred charges pretty 
freely, and the Revolutionary officer who escaped a court of 
inquiry was lucky. An examination of the volumes of the 
American archives will justify this remark. 

The service of Colonel Bedel, however, did not end with the 
disbandment of his regiment in 1779. Correspondence shows 
that he remained active as a member of the Vermont Board of 
War and otherwise, gathering and forwarding military supplies 
and stores. The local controversy continued to grow in inten- 
sity, and as it advanced Ethan Allen was accused by the col- 
lege party of " bargaining away the east-side towns for the 
support of New Hampshire against the claims of New York," 
and his conduct was characterized as " savoring too much of 
intrigue and bribery," and Allen, referring to the project to 
establish a state under the name of New Connecticut, cfeclared 


that the "heads of the Schism at large are a Petulant, Pette- 
foging. Scribbling sort o£ Gentry, that will keep any Govern- 
ment in hot water, till they are Thoroughly brought under by 
the Exertions of authority." 

Massachusetts had come into the controversy, claiming part 
of the grants, and Vermont then claimed that she was not only 
independent of these three provinces, who, as Governor Chit- 
tenden urged, were intending to divide her up after the man- 
ner of Poland, but that her territory was independent of Con- 
gress and the confederation of states. Finally Congress passed 
resolutions declaring that New Hampshire jurisdiction should 
extend to all territory east of the Connecticut, and that Ver- 
mont should be admitted as a member of the confederation of 
states upon her relinquishing her claim to territory east of the 
Connecticut, and that in the event of Vermont's refusing to 
acquiesce in this disposition of the controversy, she should be 
divided between New Hampshire and New York by a line 
drawn on the highlands of the Green Mountains. The Ver- 
mont legislature at Bennington in February, 1782, acquiesced 
in the solution proposed by Congress, under which she was to 
relinquish the territory east of the river and become an inde- 
pendent state. At the time the members from the east side of 
the Connecticut river were not present, but they later appeared 
and were denied admission, although protesting against such 
action. It is said to be doubtful whether the proposed con- 
gressional solution would have been accepted if the east side 
members had been present, or in their absence even, but for 
the salutary influence of a patriotic appeal by General Wash- 
ington, which he addressed to Governor Chittenden, and which 
was read to the legislature. 

As I have said, it is not my purpose to give any connec-ted 
explanation of this controversy, but to refer only to some of 
its general features as bearing upon the relations which the 
subject in this sketch sustained to the local controversy in his 
time. Those who are interested to know more of the contro- 
versy, which was one of great spirit, will find an excellent 
paper on the subject by Mr. John L. Rice, published in a vol- 
ume of the Connecticut Valley Historical Society Papers^and 


Proceedings, 1876-1881. The article is entitled, "Dartmouth 
College and the State of New Connecticut." 

It may be said that the majority of the inhabitants on the 
east side of the river at once readily and patriotically adjusted 
themselves to New Hampshire jurisdiction, treating the solu- 
tion as final and settling all future controversy. As said by 
Mr. Orin Grant Libby, Fellow in History, in his paper on " The 
Geographical Distribution of the Vote of the Thirteen States 
on the Federal Constitution," published in the Bulletin of the 
University of Wisconsin, Vol. I, pp. 10, n, "The Connecticut 
valley in New Hampshire, or more properly the valley and the 
inland portion of Grafton County, was .... a section 
having its own history, its own interests, and its own leaders. 
When the question came up as to the adoption of the Federal 
Constitution, its vote was consistent throughout. Of those 
towns in union with Vermont in 1781, two thirds voted for the 
Constitution." And in referring to the influence of Colonel 
Payne and Judge Livermore, he says : " The conjunction of 
these two elements at this critical period produced the section 
which I have called the Connecticut river section. In it were 
united the town democracy of the valley, led by Payne, and the 
Grafton following of Judge Livermore — alike in be'ng on the 
frontier and separated from eastern New Hampshire. Their 
united support proved decisive in carrying the constitution." 

After the adjustment of this geographical dispute and the 
definite settlement of the state boundaries, and upon the close 
of the Revolution and the establishment of peace, Colonel 
Bedel remained a man of prominence and infiuence, and the 
people of his locality gave evidence of their continued con- 
fidence, respect, and esteem by electing him to various posi- 
tions of responsibility and trust. He readily adjusted himself 
to the jurisdiction of New Hampshire and became a useful 
supporter and advocate of her interests and institutions. 

According to Governor Harriman, in his article in the 
Granite Monthly. (Vol. Ill, /. 513), on General John Bedel, 
Timothy was major-general after the Revolution, of the second 
division of the New Hampshire militia, and in the note to the 
Adjutant-General's Report, 1S66 (/. 242), he is given the same 


mention. Other writers give him the same rank. Mr. Batch- 
€llor, the state historian, in an article on the Province and 
State Militia, 1 773-1855, to be published in the Littleton Town 
History, doubts this. My examination does not disclose any 
record of such appointment ; but it must be said in this con- 
nection that, according to the report of the adjutant-general in 
1866 (/. 372), "Very few of the appointments under the act of 
1770 or 1780 are known." 

Colonel Bedel was a member of the New Hampshire house of 
representatives in 1784, representing the classed towns of 
Haverhill, Piermont, Warren, and Coventry. He served on 
important committees, and, as said by Mr. Batchellor, state 
historian, referring to Colonel Bedel and Colonel Payne of 
Lebanon, he was accorded recognition commensurate with his 
character and ability. Upon a petition from Dartmouth Col- 
lege praying for the liberty of a lottery for raising three thou- 
sand pounds clear for the purpose of erecting proper buildings, 
etc., a motion was made for granting the petition, and the 
yeas and nays being called, Colonel Bedel with fifty-four others 
voted in the affirmative, twenty-one members voting in the neg- 
ative. " So the motion prevailed for granting the prayer of 
said petition," and the petitioners had leave to bring in a bill 
accordingly. He was on the joint committee of the senate 
and house to consider and " report what they think necessary 
to be done with the old Continental money now in the treas- 
ury and in the hands of individuals in this state," as well as 
upon a committee to consider the propriety of giving treasury 
orders for the payment of small balances due to soldiers, and 
certificates to avoid the trouble of issuing notes therefor. 
Upon this motion it was voted on the 4th of November, 1784, 
that "Colonel Toppen, Mr. Taylor, Major Gaines, Colonel 
Hill and Mr. Means, with such of the honorable senate as 
may be joined, be a committee to consider what methods are 
best to be taken for the regulation of commerce in this state 
until such time as the regulation thereof may be established 
by Congress." On the nth of November, on his motion, the 
house took action with reference to a joint committee -to con- 
sider in what manner the excise should be sold and to whom, 
and to report the conditions of the sale. 


It is not nay purpose to enlarge upon the measures with 
which he was connected during his legislative career. It may 
be said that he was active in respect to general legislation, as 
well as legislation relating to his own locality and to the 
improvement of the Connecticut river. 

On the 27th of June, a committee to consider a petition 
from Littleton reported that the inhabitants of Apthorp, alias 
Littleton, and Dalton with their personal estates be exempted 
from being taxed up to the year 1784, etc.; also that some 
suitable person be appointed to call a meeting of the inhabi- 
tants of said town in the room of Colonel Timothy Bedel, late 

It must be said of Colonel Bedel that he was a man of large 
natural endowments and great force of character; that he was 
a man of never ceasing energy, of indomitable will, and a man 
of courage. The Northwestern settlements furnished their 
generous proportion of military force for the common cause, 
and Colonel Bedel probably actually raised more troops in the 
province of New Hampshire for service in the war of the 
Revolution than any other one man. He performed loyal and 
important service in the war for the independence of the col- 
onies, and history should accord him just and honorable recog- 
nition and praise. He died in February, 1787, as has been 
said, and his dust rests in the old cemetery at Haverhill on 
that commanding eminence which overlooks the broad valley 
of the Connecticut and the locality which was the center of 
his struggles, his leadership and power. 

Colonel Bedel's first wife, Elizabeth, died August 31, 1779, 
in her thirty-sixth year. His second wife was Mary Johnson, 
daughter of Captain James and Susana Johnson. She died in 
August, 1789. She was a sister of Elizabeth Captive John- 
son, who was born while her mother was an Indian prisoner in 
the forests of the present town of Cavendish, Vermont. There 
were nine children — seven by the first marriage and two by the 
second. 1 General Moody Bedel, who was born in Salem, New 

1 According to memoranda in the handwriting of General John Fsedel nowjn pos- 
session of Mary Bedel Drew of Colebrook, the children of Col. Tim" and Elizabeth 
were : Cyrus, born Jan. 22, 1760, died July S, 1772 ; Moody, born May 12, 1764, died 


Hampshire, May 12, 1764, was a second son of the first mar- 
riage. He was twice married, his first wife being Ruth 
Hutchins, and his second wife Mary Hunt. There were nine 
children by each marriage. 

Moody Bedel became prominent and influential. At the 
age of eleven or twelve he was with his father as servant or 
orderly in his second Canadian expedition, or at the battle of 
Saratoga, — the various accounts disagree upon this point, and 
I am not able to state which is the correct version. He 
later enlisted as a private in Captain Ezekiel Ladd's company, 
in his father's regiment, and in 1781 was clerk to Captain 
King's Vermont company in the Third regiment. He was 
lieutenant in the first company in the Seventeenth regiment in 
1786, appointed by John Sullivan ; he was captain of the first 
company of the Thirteenth in 1793, by appointment of Gov- 
ernor Bartlett ; he was major in 1795 and lieutenant-colonel in 
1801, by appointment of Governor Gilman ; was appointed 
brigadier-general of the First brigade of the New Hampshire 
militia in 1806, by Governor John Langdon, which command 
he held until April 9, 1812; he was appointed by President 
Madison lieutenant-colonel in the Eleventh regiment of infan- 
try in the service of the United States, July 23, 1812. 

From the time of his appointment until September, 1814, he 
performed important detached service, but joined General 
Brown and his regiment at Fort Erie, and in the memorable 
sortie of September 17 of that year, at his own solicitation, 
with his regiment led General Miller's column to ''the cannon's 
mouth," and so distinguished himself as to receive honorable 
mention by his superior officers and subsequent promotion to 
rank as colonel from September 1, 1S14. He served until 
the close of the War of 18 12, and died in 1841. 

Of his children, Colonel Hazen Bedel, 1 late of Colebrook, 

Jany 13, 1S41 ; Ruth, born Feby 6, 1763, died Oct. 10, 1779; Anna, born Oct. 20, 
1776 ; Mary, born March 15, 1772 (two daughters died in infancy) ; and the children 
of Timo. and Mary his second wife were: Hazen, born Aug. 6, 17S5, died Aug. 12, 
1835 ; Abigail, born Dec. 17, 1776, died May 30, 1S42. 

1 Hazen Bedel was colonel of the Twenty fourth New Hampshire Regiment of 
Militia for four years; was merchant at Colebrook, N. H.; member of th< Constitu- 
tional Convention of 1850 and that of 1876; represented the town of Colebrook in 


and General John Bedel, late of Bath, were the most promi- 

General John Bedel, 1 the son of Moody and the grandson of 
Timoihy, was born in the Indian Stream territory, now Pitts- 
burg, New Hampshire, on the 8th day of July, 1822. He 
enlisted as a private in the Mexican war in March, 1847 > ln 
May he was appointed sergeant, and in December a lieutenant, 
and was in command of a company for a considerable period 
during that war. After the close of the Mexican war, he 
resumed the study of law in Harry Hibbard's office, and was 
admitted to the bar in 1850. In 1855 he was appointed to a 
position in the treasury department at Washington, and held 
this office until the War of the Rebellion. In 186 1 he was 
appointed major of the Third regiment, and in June, 1862, 
lieutenant-colonel, and while a prisoner of war, was promoted 
to the rank of colonel. He was wounded at Morris Island on 
the 10th of June, 1863 ; he was taken prisoner July 18, 1863, 
and was not paroled until December 10, 1864, when he soon 
after returned to his regiment at Wilmington, South Carolina, 
as colonel. 

In 1814, at the sortie of Fort Erie, the sword of Colonel 
Moody Bedel, the son of Timothy, was a flame of fire, and the 
onslaught of the "bloody Eleventh," which he led, was a bolt 
of lightning. In 1863, Colonel John Bedel, the grandson of 
Timothy, was taken prisoner far in advance of his regiment in 
the midnight assault upon Fort Wagner. While suffering the 
untold horrors of a rebel prison at Columbia, South Carolina, 
he, at the peril of his life, in emphatic but becoming language, 
protested against the inhuman tortures to which the prisoners 
were subjected. When liberated, in keeping with a promise 
to his fellow prisoners, he journeyed to Washington, " never 
stopping even to put off the rags that hung upon him," in his 
prison garb with all that it meant, and presented himself to 

the legislature; was member of Governor Walter Harriman's Council for two years ; 
was county commissioner, and later judge of probate. 

1 John Bedel was educated in tlie common schools in Bath and at Newbury Semi- 
nary, Vt. Dartmouth College conferred upon him the honorary degree of A. M. in 
1869. He represented Bath in the legislature for two years, and was the IDemo- 
cratic candidate for governor in 1869 and again in 1S70. He died in 1875. 


President Lincoln and other high officials of the government 
as 2m object lesson showing the atrocities to which the sol- 
diers of the United States were being subjected. Having 
been promoted to the full rank of colonel while in prison, he 
returned to his regiment, and serving throughout the War of 
the Rebellion, was, at its close, promoted to the rank of briga- 
dier-general for gallant and meritorious service throughout the 

Let honor be done to Revolutionary Tim, the founder of 
this line of patriotic and courageous men, and let his memory 
be forever relieved from the injustice resulting from the arbi- 
trary and precipitate action of Benedict Arnold. 

President Stevens followed Judge Aldrich with brief remin- 
iscences of General John Bedel, after which the Hon. A. S. 
Wait, of Newport, offered the following resolution : 

Resolved. That the thanks of this Society are hereby ten- 
dered to the Hon. Edgar Aldrich for his very able, learned, 
and interesting address delivered this evening, and that he be 
requested to furnish a copy of the same for preservation in the 
archives of the Society. 

At 10 p. m. the Society adjourned to meet at the call of the 

John C. Ordway, 


Concord, N. H., Feb. 9, 1898. 

The third adjourned seventy-fifth annual meeting of the 
New Hampshire Historical Society was held in the Society's 
rooms in Concord on Wednesday, February 9, 1898, with a 
large attendance. Met at 2 o'clock in the afternoon, Presi- 
dent Stevens in the chair. 

Rear Admiral George E. Belknap, now of Boston, was pre- 
sented to the Society and delivered the following address, the 
subject of which was 4; Reminiscent of Service in the Home 
Squadron, 1859, i860, and 1S61," embracing events oivthe 
Gulf coast just before the War of the Rebellion, the participa- 


tion of New Hampshire in the reinforcement of Fort Pickens 
and their part in the early stages of the blockade : 



In the early winter of 1858-59 I was at home in Newport 
on a brief leave of absence after a long cruise in the waters of 
India, China, and Japan. 

One evening close on to New Year's, I entertained a large 
company at my father's house. Such incident of social life 
was indelibly impressed upon my memory, because of the ex- 
treme coldness of the weather at that time, the thermometer 
ranging from 34 to 38 below zero, and from the further fact 
that when the last midnight guest had gone, my father handed 
me one of those ominous-looking envelops in which the Navy 
Department has from time immemorial enclosed its orders to 
all officers under its control. 

Tearing open the envelop, I found it covered orders to 
proceed immediately to New York, and report to Commodore 
Breese for duty on board the sloop-of-war St. Louis. 

Packing my sea belongings, the next day I set forth on my 
way via Claremont and the Connecticut river railroad, but the 
weather continued to be so intensely cold that the train occu- 
pied double its usual time to make the run for fear of breaking 
the frost-charged rails. 

I found the ship ready for sea, and only awaiting my arrival 
at New York to sail, for I had been ordered to take the place 
of another officer who, at the last moment, had gotten off on 
the plea of illness, in accordance with the previous record of 
like character he had made in the service. 

Less than forty-eight hours after I joined the ship we were 
running past Sandy Hook under all sail bound to Greytown. 

The third day out we struck a heavy northeaster in the Gulf 
Stream, and we came near coming to grief, for the rigging 
which had been set up in cold weather, became so slack in the 
high temperature of the Gulf as to make it imperative to set it 
up at once, if we would not have the masts rolled out" of her. 
Happily steam had not yet emasculated the art and skill of the 


sailor, and after getting hawsers up round the mastheads, and 
setting them taut, the lanyards of the rigging were carefully 
come up and given a fresh pull with the luff tackles, and we 
were all right again. 

But it was a ticklish job, for the sea was very heavy, and the 
ship rolled from 30 to 35 . In one of her rolls to windward,. 
a fore-topman in the weather fore-chains lost his grip and fell 
overboard. At the next weather roll, however, one of his top- 
mates reached down, grabbed him by the collar of his frock 
and hauled him on board again. It was about as close a call 
as I have ever seen at sea. 

We reached Greytown in about twenty days as the relief of 
the Jamestown. To our surprise we found her lying at anchor 
outside, for a few days before our arrival the bar began to 
shoal rapidly, and the Jamestown had gotten out of the harbor 
barely in time to save her from being shut in altogether. 

The mission of our ships there was to prevent Walker and 
his filibusters from invading Nicaragua. The Jamestown had 
been there many weary months, and lost no time in getting away. 
Alas! the next time we came in contact with her captain and 
some of her officers it was in the hostile meetings of civil war. 

But if the Jamestown had had a hard time at that abominable 
place, she at least had had a quiet anchorage, while we were 
rolling guns under at the outside anchorage all the while. It 
may be said, indeed, that one of the most difficult problems to 
deal with in the construction of the Nicaragua canal is that 
fickle bar blocking the entrance to Greytown harbor. 

Finally, after watching for Walker and rolling incessantly 
for thirteen months with no relief whatever for mind or body,, 
except the semi-monthly arrival of the mail steamer, and casual 
calls of British men-of-war, we got orders to make a cruise 
among the West India islands and to ports on the Spanish 
main — a cruise which was a godsend to us, but which would 
be looked upon at this period by the new navy, so called, as 
a great hardship. 

While engaged in this service, the political conditions at 
home — of which we heard from time to time — gave the more 
thoughtful among us great uneasiness. 



During the fateful ten months that preluded and initiated the 
Rebellion, there were no citizens more unhappily situated than 
the officers and men of the army and navy, and particularly as 
regards the latter, for in the close quarters of shipboard, it is 
impossible to get away from uncongenial surroundings, or from 
people with whom you may have a constantly irritating source 
of disagreement or antipathy. 

While as a fc rule officers of the navy pay but little attention 
to politics, there were some among them who took in the grav- 
ity of the political situation, when in the late spring of i860 
the national Democratic convention broke up at Charleston in 
hopeless disagreement and disorder, and began to prepare 
their minds for the worst. 

As I had been brought up in the uncompromising faith of 
Andrew Jackson, in the days when the democracy ruled state 
and nation, and believed thoroughly in what I had been taught 
politically after the sturdy fashion of New Hampshire boys 
fifty odd years ago, when March meeting meant a good, square, 
stand-up, partisan fight, and supervisors and mugwumps had 
not yet appeared to plague the political world, I could never 
divest myself of interest in political matters, whether afloat or 

Wherefore, the occurrences at Charleston filled me with fore- 
bodings I could not conceal. There were optimists, however, 
who looked to see the usual panacea of compromise smooth 
the ruffled wings of Southern discontent and blunt the fangs of 
treasonable intent. I recall one of the St. Louis' 1 officers, a 
Kentuckian, who pooh-poohed the possibilities of war. Said 
he, " If South Carolina carries out her threat of secession, the 
people of Kentucky will send a force down there alone and 
whip them back into the Union." Alas ! he little compre- 
hended the forces at work, stealthy in character and persistent 
in aim, that brought on the greatest civil war of modern times, 
in which he was to lose his own life. 

At this period, the Home Squadron, as our naval force in the 
North Atlantic was then designated, consisted of the steam 
frigate Powhatan, flagship of Commodore Pendergrast^the sail- 
ing frigate Sabine, the steam sloop Brooklyn, the sailing sloops 


Cumberland, Macedonian and St. Louis, and the steamers Poca- 
hontas, Wyandotte, Mohawk, and Crusader. The steam frigate 
Colorado had been the flagship, but she had gone home. 

Our cruise among the West Indies in the St. Louis ended 
early in October, i860, at which time we arrived at the navy 
yard, at Pensacola, to refit and take on board fresh supplies 
of provisions, stores, and equipments. 

The presidential election was then close at hand. Douglas 
was making his plucky tour through the Gulf states, and politi- 
cal excitement was at fever heat; so much so that officers 
avoided political talk as much as possible both ashore and 
afloat — for the bitter feeling of the Southern officers, sup- 
pressed with difficulty, became more pronounced as the con- 
spiracy progressed. Nor was such feeling confined to the 
Southern-born man, for some of the Northern officers who had 
married in the South were the most vehement in their denun- 
ciations of the North. 

Two officers, indeed, in that category, did more to betray 
Commodore Armstrong, and to turn the navy yard over to 
the rebels, a few months later, than any other officers on duty 

Congress had enacted a law that summer increasing the pay 
of the navy, and it was a significant fact in the light of later 
events, that Senator Toombs and other ramp Hit secessionists 
had endeavored to persuade President Buchanan to veto the 
bill. Toombs and his fellows doubtless feared the effect of 
such legislation upon the Southern officers, whom they pro- 
posed to dragoon in a body out of the service the moment 
their traitorous purposes were put in motion. 

We had hoped to remain at Pensacola until after the elec- 
tion, but we were hurried off some ten days before with orders 
to proceed to Vera Cruz. 

Upon arrival we found Commodore Pendergrast there with 
the Powhatan^ Sabine, Brooklyn, and Pocahontas, all at anchor 
at Sacriflcios. We made the fifth vessel of the force. It was 
a bad season of the year to be at Vera Cruz, for the Northers 
were frequent, and the anchorage at Sacriflcios — the winter 
anchorage of the port — a bad one at best. 



Every few days lower yards and topmasts had to be struck 
to ease the ship in the heavy gales blowing directly on shore 
and to lessen the chances of dragging the anchors. 

I recollect that during one blow, one captain of nervous 
temperament sat up all night between the bitts under the top- 
gallant forecastle watching the cables of his ship which, from 
their constant heavy surging, he feared might part any 

The purpose of assembling so many of the ships of the 
squadron there at so untoward a season was alleged to be the 
strengthening of the hands of our minister in pushing some 
claims of our government against Mexico. It was most unfor- 
tunate, however, that such negotiations, attended by the dis- 
play of so large a naval force, should have been conducted at 
that critical time, for the ships were sorely needed on our own 

There was no telegraphic communication with Mexico at 
that period, and the mails were brought to Vera Cruz by 
British steamers via Havana. The second steamer after our 
arrival in the St. Louis brought the news of Mr. Lincoln's 
election, and of the mad doings at Charleston upon the heels 
of such pregnant event. 

I shall never forget the feeling that came over me when the 
officer sent to board the steamer said, as he stepped over the 
gangway on his return, "Mr. Lincoln is elected; South Caro- 
lina has called a secession convention." The announcement, 
though not unexpected, was yet startling in its tenor, for to 
me it seemed the prologue of inevitable war. I well knew, 
indeed, that we had not the iron hand of Jackson at the 
national helm to carry us through the rocks and shoals of 
treason, with unyielding will and resolute purpose, and that 
no other course could save us without a resort to arms. 

In my service association with Southern officers I had care- 
fully observed their bearing, studied their character, taken 
note of their assumed superiority over their Northern fellows, 
and drawn out their opinions and beliefs as far as practicable; 
but as regarded secession, I knew the most aggressive among 
them but faintly represented the sentiments of the^men who 


were determined to rule the country or divide it, as best 
suited their purposes, in their dogged determination to retain 
political power. Hence I felt that the Southern conspirators 
had at last got what they had long wanted ; that they had 
intentionally and determinedly broken up the Democratic party 
to insure Mr. Lincoln's election, and give them the long 
sought opportunity of firing the Southern heart and of destroy- 
ing the Union. In short, that war was inevitable. 

The negotiations at the Mexican capital progressed slowly. 
The minister was a Southern man, and some of us got the im- 
pression that he was making haste slowly in order to keep the 
ships at Vera Cruz, and so give the secessionists a freer hand 
in their designs upon our Southern forts and navy yards. 

Meanwhile, every mail brought worse and worse tidings 
of the progress of secession and of the intense excitement 
, throughout the land. This increased the constraint, anxiety, 
and bitterness of feeling that pervaded the fleet. Many offi- 
cers there were who, while deploring the questions of alle- 
giance and loyalty confronting them, could not veil their sym- 
pathy for the Southern cause, and who intended to throw up 
their commissions when the inevitable test came. Loyal offi- 
cers could h.irdly restrain their indignation at such attitude 
towards the flag in its dire hour of need, and the utmost 
reserve had to be observed to avoid personal encounters. 

When fresh news arrived the officers would gather into 
hostile groups or camps, as it were, to discuss the situation. 
Then, as they came together as at the mess table for meals, 
the bated breath and measured speech with which any allu- 
sion was made to the intelligence received, bespoke but too 
well the strong currents of feeling that ran underneath the 
surface so cold, so reserved, and so exasperating. 

On shore our consul, Mr. John T. Pickett, a Kentuckian 
and rabid secessionist, fanned the flame of disloyalty. Despite 
the commission of honor and trust from the government which 
gave him all the status he had at Vera Cruz, he went about 
the city proclaiming the disruption of the Republic and warn- 
ing merchants and bankers of the risk they would run if they 
continued to deal with its agents. He asserted that^the 

2 3 8 


United States were already hopelessly bankrupt and would 
never pay another dollar of their debts. His conduct, in fact, 
was so traitorous that I thought then and think now that he 
should have been arrested by the flag-officer and held in 
custody on board ship until he could have been sent home 
under charges of high treason. 

Finally came the news of South Carolina's secession and the 
occupation of Fort Sumter by Major Anderson. Almost sim- 
ultaneously with such news, the minister informed Commodore 
Pendergrast that his negotiations had been completed. But 
some mysterious power still held the ships at Vera Cruz, with 
the exception of the Brooklyn, despatched to Hampton Roads. 
Towards the end of January, however, the ships were ordered 
to different points, the Powhatan alone remaining in Mexican 
waters. Some delay was had in getting off, for Consul Pickett 
had so demoralized the bankers by his traitorous talk that they 
hesitated to take the bills drawn on the Baring Brothers, Lon- 
don. At last, however, the fleet paymaster succeeded in get- 
ting $30,000 for which he had to pay, if I recollect aright, a 
premium of eighteen per cent. 

Our destination, and that of the Sabine, was Pensacola. All 
sail was crowded in the hope of reaching there in time to save 
the navy yard from the suspected machinations of the rebels. 

The Sabine being the faster sailer we soon parted company. 
But late one afternoon in the first week of February, we of the 
St. Louis arriving off the bar of the port, an unwonted sight 
greeted us. The Sabine, already arrived, was cruising off and 
on the port; the Wyandotte, Lt.-Commander Berryman, was 
lying at anchor inside with a flag of truce at her fore ; an un- 
known flag was flying over the navy yard and at Forts Barran- 
cas and McCrea, while Fort Pickens, hitherto forlorn and ten- 
antless, displayed the flag over the small garrison of Company 
G, 1st U. S. Artillery, under command of First Lieut. C. J. Slem- 
mer, which had been transferred there from Barrancas by the 
aid of the officers and men of the store-ship Supply and the 
Wyandotte on' the 10th and nth of February, 1861. 

When Commander Poor of our ship returned from his visit 
to Captain Adams of the Sabine and senior officer present, we 


learned that the rebels had full possession inside ; that Senator 
Mallory of Florida, and chairman of the naval committee of the 
Senate, had arranged a truce with the secretaries of navy and 
war, suspending all offensive operations on either side, and, by 
the special terms of which, the ships were not to attempt to 
enter the harbor without further instructions from Washington, 
but that the Wyandotte could continue to make her headquarters 
inside under flag of truce and be permitted to communicate 
with the ships in the offing in carrying the mails back and 
forth, and in such other lines of duty as the situation demanded 
in the line of peaceful effort. The insurgent authorities were 
also to allow us. as an act of graciousness, to receive fresh pro- 
visions and water from the shore. 

To us navy folk, not especially up in the finesse and techni- 
calities of constitutional law, the situation seemed humiliating 
in the extreme. Plain, blunt sailors, accustomed to see the flag 
respected in every quarter of the globe where they carried it, 
could not understand where the people of Florida derived this 
authority for such impertinent action under the guise of re- 
served constitutional rights. They knew that every part of 
Florida's territory had been bought from Spain by the United 
States at a cost of millions of dollars ; that the wars waged 
against the Indians to make the territory habitable for the 
white men had cost three times the original amount paid for it ; 
that the people of Florida had been admitted to statehood 
solely by the grace of the United States, and that in presuming 
to assume a supreme authority over that domain they were 
attempting to take what they never really'possessed through 
their own prowess and efforts, — an attempt which from the navy 
point of view ought to have been met on the instant by the 
armed forces of the nation for its vigorous suppression. 

That the great majority on board the ships were disgusted 
and angered at such state of affairs goes without saying, but 
there was no help for it except through disobedience of orders 
that might bring on a war — a war that both North and South 
were anxious to avoid — but a war which the pitiful weakness 
of the one and the truculent action of the other were surejy, if 
unconsciously, doing their utmost to promote. 


It had been an old service dogma that to anchor off the coast 
outside of harbor shelter during the winter months, when south- 
erly gales were likely to spring up at any moment, was to tempt 
Providence and invite sure destruction to the sailor who 
attempted it, but after cruising off and on for a few days and 
tiring out everybody on board the ships, the anchors were let 
go and a little rest given the ships' companies. Experience 
soon made it clear that ships could ride at long scopes of their 
cables along the coast with reasonable safety, and thus one 
problem of good blockade was solved. 

Meanwhile, the Brooklyn arrived from the North with Cap- 
tain Vogdes's company of the First U. S. Artillery on board. 
Captain Walker, a son of this state, commanding the ship, had 
sailed with instructions to land the troops at Fort Pickens im- 
mediately upon arrival. The assistant surgeon of the Brooklyn 
was John M. Leach of Newmarket, this state. No sooner had 
Walker got to sea, however, than the wily Senator Mallory got 
the ear of the president and had orders telegraphed to Captain 
Adams, still the senior officer present, to have the company 
kept on board until further advised, making another act in the 
drama of weakness, irresolution, and treachery the country was 
soon to pay for so dearly. The result of these several acts was 
to tie the hands of the government, while the insurgents were 
secretly erecting new batteries, strengthening old defenses, and 
raising and equipping an army for revolutionary purposes. 

Suddenly one day the monotony of our humiliating position 
was broken by the firing of a salute from a field battery at 

We soon learned that it was in celebration of the Confeder- 
ate States Government which had been established and pro- 
claimed at Montgomery. The rebels were in high feather, and 
one of the Sabine s officers who had taken passage on board 
the Wyandotte for a visit to the shore, happening to meet the 
northern renegade Renshaw, that worthy held up a piece of 
parchment and said with great effusion, " See, I have got my 
commission back again already. I hold the same rank now in 
the Confederate States Navy that I did in the old service." 

The loyal officer gave Renshaw a withering look, and then 
turned his back upon him in contemptuous silence. 


Said old Commodore Tattnall, when he saw the Confederate 
flag raised at Montgomery, " I can fight for that flag, but I hate 
to do it."" 

Tattnall had been fairly forced to resign. A Georgian by birth 
and citizenship, he had married in Connecticut, and most, if not 
all, of his children were born on Northern soil ; but his native 
state had given him a sword for his gallantry in the Mexican 
war, and had always stood by him when he wanted the recog- 
nition of the Navy Department in the matter of orders and 
duty. He did not approve the secession movement, nor did 
he want to give up his commission, but visiting Washington 
during the height of the secession whirlwind that swept Georgia 
into the arms of South Carolina, his compatriots swarmed into 
his room at the hotel one day and, locking the door, swore that 
he should not go out alive unless he wrote out his resignation 
then and there. Thus bullied and badgered, cajoled and im- 
plored, he wrote in despair the fatal paper; but his heart was 
not in the act at all, as his service in the Confederate cause 
fully attested. He >was no longer the fiery, dashing Josiah 
Tattnall of old, whose " blood is thicker than water " expres- 
sion sounded around the world in the heyday of his career 
under the old flag he ever really loved. His whole career in 
the rebel service bespoke the blight he must have felt in fight- 
ing against the flag to which he had instinctively given his de- 
voted and intrepid service all his life before. 

He begged his son John, a lieutenant in the Marine Corps, 
not to resign his commission. Said he to him, " You were 
born and bred on Northern soil and there is no occasion for 
you to go South." "But, father, I must follow you ; I cannot 
stay here at the North and take arms against you." And so he 
threw up his commission. 

Tattnall's old friend, Commodore Armstrong, who had sur- 
rendered the navy yard at Pensacola to the rebels in the mid- 
dle of January, had been betrayed and doubtless bullied into 
such act by Commodore Farrand and Lieutenant Renshaw, of 
whom I have spoken, the one from New Jersey, the other a 

Armstrong was a veteran of the War of 1812. He was old 



and infirm and had been but a few months before invalided 
home from the command of the East India squadron. He suf- 
fered continually from a disease contracted in Chinese waters 
and had protested against being sent to so unfavorable a cli- 
mate to him as that of Pensacola, but without avail. Com- 
pelled to take such orders, he left his family behind at his 
home in Charlestown, Mass. Thus he was living alone in the 
big house of the Commandant, with no one to turn to for 
counsel when the trying days of secession set in, except the 
officers of the yard and of the ships calling there. Farrand, as 
executive, stood naturally in closer relation towards him than 
anyone else. He was, in fact, intended to be the right arm of 
the Commandant, and being a man of Northern birth and train- 
ing, Armstrong could not bring himself to believe that an offi- 
cer of such status was doing all he could to lead him astray as 
to the real conditions of affairs. Yet that man was covertly 
playing into the hands of the rebels every moment of the time. 

The Wyandotte, Lieutenant Commander Berryman, and the 
store-ship, Supply, Commander Walke, had arrived from Key 
West and New York respectively, a few days before the sur- 
render of the yard. Neither vessel amounted to anything for 
offensive purposes. The ultimate destination of the Supply 
was Vera Cruz, but she had called at Pensacola to land some 
stores en route. 

The ships had not been in port twenty-four hours, when both 
Walke and Berryman, as well as their officers, began to suspect 
the loyalty of Armstrong's staff, and especially of F'arrand and 
his brother-in-law, Kenshaw. They saw, too, to their great 
distress and indignation, how completely the venerable and 
sorely perplexed old Commodore was in the hands of the 
traitors hedging him in on every side, among whom the North- 
ern ones were the foulest of all. 

On the 3d of January, the army headquarters at Washing- 
ton had awakened long enough from the ban of lethargy Mr. 
Secretary Floyd had put upon it, to send an order to Lieuten- 
ant Slemmer at Fort Barrancas " to take measures to prevent 
the seizure of either of the forts in Pensacola harbor by sur- 
prise or assault, consulting first with the Commandant of the 


navy yard who will probably receive instructions to cooperate 
with you." 

The orders reached Slemmer on the 9th, but he took in the 
fact at once of the utter impossibility of occupying and hold- 
ing the three forts with forty-six men, all the force he had. He 
therefore decided to abandon McCrea and Barrancas and to 
transfer his command to Pickens if it could be accomplished. 
But what must we think of the intelligence at Washington that, 
at the eleventh hour, dictated so absurd an order ? Forty-six 
men to defend three forts, two of which had not been occupied 
for years 3 

Calling immediately at the navy yard, Slemmer found that 
Armstrong was in receipt of orders from the Navy Department 
to cooperate with him in such measures of defense as he might 
adopt. Slemmer was assured of naval assistance in every 
practicable way, including the services of the Supply and the 

The Commodore said that he could not attempt to hold the 
yard, but agreed to have Slemmer and his command, ammuni- 
tion, provisions, and other needed supplies taken across the 
bay to Pickens by the Wyandotte at 1 o'clock p. m. of that 
day — the 9th of January. No sooner had Slemmer left the 
Commandant's office than the treacherous Farrand slipped in, 
and so worked upon the mind of the weak and distracted old 
man, that he failed to keep faith with Slemmer. Farrand made 
Armstrong believe that it would be an outrage — a crime, when 
he intended to surrender the yard, to cooperate with a young 
officer of artillery like Slemmer, and so provoke a collision 
with the state troops that would hand his name down to per- 
petual execration everywhere in the country. 

In this strait of failure, Slemmer revisited the Commodore 
and remonstrated with him for not keeping his promise. Then 
in presence of Farrand and Renshaw, the Commodore instructed 
Berryman to be at Barrancas wharf with the Wyandotte at 5 
o'clock p. m. of that day prepared to transport the garrison to 
Pickens. Nevertheless the Wyandotte did not budge from her 
anchorage that night. Farrand had gotten in his dastardly 
work again. His game was delay. Communicating constantly 


with the rebels at Pensacola, nine miles above, he knew that 
within forty-eight hours the insurgents would march down and 
demand the surrender of the yard, and he hoped that the way 
to seize and occupy Pickens would be clear also. 

But in the latter villainy he was checkmated, for at 8 o'clock 
the next morning — the ioth — Lieutenant, now Rear Admiral, 
John Irwin, then on leave of absence in Washington, near the 
yard, went to Barrancas with a big scow, which the army folk 
hurriedly loaded, together with all the other boats they. could 
lay hands on. The Wyandotte then ran down and took all in 
tow for Pickens. Berryman also carried over 30 ordinary sea- 
men, but without arms and equipments. Later in the day, 
however, he supplied 30 muskets and 4,800 musket cartridges, 
which he obtained on the Commandant's order, despite the 
vehement remonstrances of Farrand. 

But now, under the malign influences he could not escape, 
and distracted by the complications which beset him on every 
side, Armstrong began to give such erratic and contradictory 
orders that Walke and Berryman made up their minds that 
their principal business, at that juncture, was to cooperate 
with Slemmer in his effort to make Pickens secure ; wherefore 
they gave little further heed to instructions that issued from 
the Commandant's office. 

The same day Pickens was occupied, Lieutenant, now Rear 
Admiral, Henry Erben went down to Fort McCrea from the 
Supply with a boat's crew and threw into the sea all the powder 
stored there — some 22,000 pounds — to prevent it falling into 
the clutches of the rebels. 

When he returned from that good stroke of work that even- 
ing, he called upon the Commodore at his quarters and reported 
what he had done. He then volunteered to go outside and 
destroy the ammunition in the naval magazine located on the 
reservation about a quarter of a mile away. The Commodore 
sent for Farrand. That traitorous officer asserted with great 
heat that Erben was drunk and advised that he be put under 
arrest at once and sent on board ship. Armstrong refused, 
whereupon Farrand sprang up in great rage and, tjirowing 
his chair at Erben's head, abruptly left the quarters. Erben 


remained talking with the Commodore a little while longer and 
then bade him good-night. The moment Erben got outside 
the front door, Farrand, who had been lying in wait on the 
piazza, rushed up and shaking his fist in Erben's face said, 
" D — n you ! I '11 teach you how to treat your superior 
officer ! " " He was so violent," said Erben, " that I took him 
by the throat saying, ' D — n you, I will have you hanged for 
the traitor that you are.' We clinched, and in the struggle 
rolled down the Commandant's steps together. Then Farrand 
cried out for help, and out stepped Renshaw from the hedge 
in front of the house where he had been playing the spy, but 
Assistant Surgeon William M. King of the Supply, who had 
accompanied me, stepped out on my side of the path, when 
Farrand and Renshaw, the two Dromios of secession villainy, 
seeing that a row was imminent, ran off to the other quarters, 
telling the officers' wives as they went along that Erben was 
going to blow the yard up." 

Farrand's whole conduct had been so pronouncedly dis- 
loyal and perfidious all through that Erben and other officers 
arranged a scheme to seize him at the first good chance and 
carry him on board ship. Berryman said he would receive him 
on board the Wyandotte, and if necessary put him in the coal 
bunkers for safe keeping. But Farrand was too wary — too foxy 
— he felt that he was suspected — an offense in the nostrils of 
all honest officers and men, and that the best measure for his 
personal safety was to keep away from the water front of the 
yard. And so he could not be induced to approach the 
wharves on any matter of duty whatever. Had he ventured to 
do so he would have surely been seized and he seems to have 
had such presentiment. But he carried things with a high 
hand when at the upper part of the yard, with the infirm old 
Commodore. When he looked harborward, however, and saw 
the flag floating from the peaks of loyal ships, his conscience 
smote him and made him a coward. "He made a narrow 
escape," said Erben, " for had he been captured and carried on 
board ship, he would never have got ashore again except as a 
close prisoner of war." 

And Erben goes on to say, "Whatever orders Armstrong 



gave for the protection of the yard were countermanded with- 
out his knowledge by Farrand. He knew the very hour Victor 
M. Randolph, another traitorous naval captain, would line up 
his rebel forces at the gate for the surrender, and ordered the 
punishment of faithful old Quartermaster Conway, the patriotic 
old salt who had refused to haul down the flag." Conway had 
obeyed the order to go to the flagstaff, but when the miserable 
Renshaw gave him the order to haul down the flag in capitula- 
tion, he flatly refused, and Renshaw had to do the rascally 
work with his own hands. Then Farrand and Renshaw, both 
still holding their commissions as officers of the navy, set about 
deliberately to punish the veteran old seaman for his fidelity to 
the government and country they were betraying. It is a 
great gratification to record the fact that a few months later 
some 150 citizens of California, of New England birth, sent the 
steadfast old petty officer a gold medal of appropriate design 
in grateful recognition of his courage and fidelity in defying 
the orders of the officers whose names will ever be a by-word 
of reproach and shame in the naval annals of our country. 

Walke and Berryman continued to send all possible aid to 
Slemmer in getting his command safely settled at the fort, nor 
let it be forgotten that without their strong aid Slemmer could 
never have transferred his troops and stores there. 

On the morning of the 12th of January, Slemmer addressed 
a last note to Armstrong. He wrote, " I have been apprised 
that the yard is besieged ; in case you have determined to sur- 
render, will you please send the marines to me to increase my 
force at Pickens ? " No reply to such request was received, and 
a few hours later, or at noon of that day, the flag of the United 
States was hauled down at the yard and marine barracks and 
the state flag of Florida hoisted in its stead. The feelings of 
indignation, mortification, and disgust that pervaded the ships 
and port at such wanton doings may well be imagined, but 
cannot be described in words. 

Walke showed, his defiance of the act by at once hoisting 
the flag at each mast-head of the Supply, and the fort, as yet 
without a flagstaff, hung the flag over the parapet where the 
rebels could best see it. 


That afternoon the Wyandotte towed the Supply outside the 
harbor, and both ships anchored for the night a short distance 
from the bar. 

Two or three days later the ships reentered the harbor 
under flag of truce and came to off the navy yard. Now 
Walke, waiving for the time being the orders of the depart- 
ment and of Armstrong to continue on to Vera Cruz, deemed it 
to be his duty to take on board the loyal seamen and marines, 
the families of Slemmer's command, and the employes whom 
the rebels had failed to corrupt, and carry them North. With 
such passengers and their personal belongings he sailed for 
New York on the 16th of January. The department, still 
dominated by baleful influences, censured him for his action, 
but a court martial gave him honorable acquittal. His subse- 
quent service during the war was most brilliant. His fighting 
record on the Mississippi was not surpassed in gallantry by 
any other officer of the fleet. 

The Wyandotte remained in the bay under flag of truce, and 
when the quasi armistice had been made at Washington, she 
was allowed to run back and forth without question by the 
rebels, as we had found upon our arrival from Vera Cruz. 
Such status wc were powerless to change, wherefore we had to 
settle down and endure the mortifying situation of witnessing 
the insurgent occupation of the navy yard and Barrancas, and 
of constantly receiving intelligence of secession, deceit, en- 
croachment, and devastation in every direction, while endeav- 
oring to keep within bounds our indignation at the astounding 
supineness of the government under such provocative conditions. 

One morning H. B. M. ship Gladiator, Captain (now Vice 
Admiral) Hickley, R. N., appeared off the port. After com- 
municating with Captain Adams of the Sabine, in accordance 
with international regulations governing naval intercourse, the 
Gladiator crossed the bar and steamed up to the anchorage off 
the town. 

When he returned outside two days later, he again commun- 
icated with Adams, offering to take the mails to the squadron, 
or to do any other service he could. 

We of the St. Louis had met him before off Greytown. He 



was a fair spoken Englishman of genial manners, and while he 
marveled at the situation, and was profuse in his expressions 
of sympathy, it was quite apparent that the facts did not dis- 
turb him in the least. Per cotitra, he doubtless saw in his 
mind's eye with much satisfaction opening vistas of plentiful 
British trade and traffic with the Confederacy. 

Like a bird of prey, John Bull sits enthroned on the British 
Isles in the North Sea, watching with sleepless eye the affairs 
of all other peoples, and when troubles arise in any quarter of 
the globe, he scents the profits of trade afar off, and straight- 
way sends his ships-of-war to spy out the land, and prepare the 
way for the plentiful flow of British goods. 

At this present period, however, John's propensity of that 
nature has become somewhat modified, for having possessed 
himself of most of the spoils of earth, he wants to keep what 
he has got without risking its loss through war. 

In Lord Palmerston's day, had any European power at- 
tempted what the bellicose Emperor of Germany did a few 
weeks ago by his outrageous seizure of Kiou Chou bay in the 
China sea, the English admiral in those waters would have 
been instructed to take the offensive forthwith, but to-day, 
England with her fleet outmatching the fleets of France, Russia, 
and Germany does not seem to dare to act. The dictum of 
Manchester and Birmingham is destroying her virility and 
emasculating her influence. Said Captain Gambier, R. N., in 
the Fortnightly Review, last July, of England's present status, 
" Nothing an Englishman can say abroad is ever taken seri- 
ously. There is no faith in us anywhere. 'Foreigners stigma- 
tize us as the most immoral nation in the world as regards 
political pledges. Even an Italian feels that he is leaning on a 
reed, while as to the Turk, he knows it is actually a rush ! " 

But to return from this digression, while we were smarting 
outside under the conditions I have outlined, the rebels at the 
navy yard, Barrancas, and the camps were having a jovial 
time. General Bragg was in command there with largely in- 
creased forces, and his headquarters were frequently enlivened 
by visitors from all parts of Florida, Alabama, and^Georgia. 
Sometimes the parties would come off to the ships to gratify 


their curiosity as to the construction, organization, and arrange- 
ment of men-of-war, discuss the outlook, and express their dis- 
pleasure because "their share of the navy," as they said, "had 
not been turned over to them." 

I recall one visitor from Alabama who boasted that "hehadi 
been working for thirty years to bring about secession," and 
said he, " if you were to give us a new pen, and a clean sheet 
of paper, and tell us to write our own terms, we will not come 
back into the Uniorr." I ventured to think aloud "that they 
would; that if they persisted in bringing on a war, they would 
lose every darkey they had before they got through with it." 

One day the wretched Renshaw had the temerity to visit the 
Sabine. He met with the most frigid reception except from 
one or two officers who threw up their commissions after their 
States had seceded. The enlisted men, ever loyal to the 
Union, were incensed that the officer who had hauled down the 
flag at the navy yard at the bidding of the rebels, and who 
had helped to punish steadfast old Conway for his fidelity,. 
should have the impudence to come off to the ships. And 
when he went over the Sabine's gangway to go down the ship's 
side into his boat, some one among them threw a bowline out 
of one of the gun-deck ports, hoping to get it round his neck,. 
and either strangle or jerk him overboard. Renshaw, livid 
with rage, and trembling for his safety, expostulated and 
demanded the offender's punishment. It is needless to say 
that the man could not be identified any more than Sam Wel- 
ler could see his father in the gallery, in the court-room, on the 
occasion of the celebrated trial of " Bardell versus Pickwick. " 

The Mobile Register in those exasperating days was our 
source of immediate news. It had supported Douglas for the 
presidency, and had been a moderate-toned conservative paper, 
but now it quite equaled the Charleston Mercury in its dia- 
tribes against the North. 

Among other things, it said, "The gentlemen of the South 
in the event of hostilities need not take the field ; the ordinary 
men of the Confederacy can be trusted to do the fighting, for 
the average Southerner is equal in prowess to three Yankees at 
any time and under all circumstances." Such talk perhaps 


nerved the South and fed its vanity; it certainly did the North 
no harm. 

The inauguration of Mr. Lincoln now drew nigh. The 
rebels fondly hoped that his inaugural address would fore- 
shadow the abandonment of Sumter, Pickens, and other public 
places in the South, and their chagrin knew no bounds when 
he announced his purpose "to hold, occupy, and possess" all 
property and places rightfully belonging to the United States. 

On the other hand, our spirits in the fleet outside rose like 
the mercury in a barometer in clearing weather. Nevertheless, 
we had to wait days and weeks without any material change in 
the situation. True, a few days after the inauguration, Gen- 
eral Scott sent an order to Captain Vogdes to land the troops 
from the Brooklyn, but no word was sent to Captain Adams of 
the Sabine that the truce was ended, and he regarded the 
orders he held from the Navy Department as still in force. 
He, therefore, would not permit the instructions to his subor- 
dinate to be carried out, and so the matter rested for weeks. 

Meanwhile, Berryman of the Wyandotte died. The strain, 
excitement, and worry killed him. To be obliged to get General 
Bragg's permission to bury the remains in the naval cemetery 
was a bitter pill, but it had to be taken. 

Our provisions were now almost gone ; the pay officers had 
no funds, and the days dragged on more heavily than ever. 

On the 1 8th of March, Captain Adams had reported to the 
Department among other things, " There is not a dollar of 
public money in the squadron. I have been using my own 
private funds to pay bills, and Lieutenant Belknap and 
Paymaster Pierce of the St. Louis; Lieutenant Cush, U. S. 
Marines, of the Sabine, and Lieutenant Gwathmay of the 
Brooklyn, have tendered me what money they have for the 
same purpose." As to this, see Vol. 4, Series I, page 37, of 
the official records of the Union and Confederate navies in the 
War of the Rebellion. 

But now a ray of relief appeared. At noon, the 12th of 
April, Lieutenant, subsequently Rear Admiral, Worden of 
Monitor fame arrived on board the Sabine with orders from 
the president to land Captain Vogdes's company and all the 


marines for the reinforcement of Fort Pickens. The order 
W2ls carried out that evening, the boats of the St. Louis being 
•under my command. As we were rounding the point of Santa 
Rosa island to enter the harbor two guns were suddenly fired, 
and we thought the enemy was opening upon us. It turned out 
that Lieutenant Commanding Mullany, now in command of 
the Wyandotte, had grounded on a shoal, and had fired the 
guns to attract attention to his mishap. It was the one thing he 
should not have done, as it at once awoke the rebels as to 
what was going on. They made no sign, however, and the 
Wyandotte soon floated off with the rising tide. Mullany was 
a very nervous officer, but a gallant one. He subsequently 
lost an arm at the battle of Mobile Bay. 

The next day Worden, as he was returning to Washington, 
was arrested at Montgomery, and held as a prisoner of war 
until exchanged in November, 1861. 

The truce was now at an end ; the war had begun, for we 
knew that the attack upon Sumter was in progress. Then 
followed in quick succession the reports of Sumter's surrender, 
the president's proclamation, and the call for men. 

A thrill of joy swept like magic through the ships ; suspense 
was at an end; we felt that we had a government once more 
and thanked God for it. Trimmers and traitors must now 
declare their purposes and take their proper places. The argu- 
ments to be used henceforth until treason was beaten down 
were the gun, the musket, and the sword. It was high time. 
The loyal heart of the nation had been throttled long enough. 

On the afternoon of the 16th of April, a most welcome inci- 
dent still further raised our spirits. It was the arrival of the 
steamer Baltic with Col. Harvey Brown and more companies 
of the First artillery for the further strengthening of the garri- 
son at Pickens. Colonel Brown was accompanied by Capt. 
Montgomery C. Meigs, of the U. S. Corps of Engineers. That 
evening these fresh troops were landed, the Wyandotte towing 
the boats in, and close in to Santa Rosa point. To our sur- 
prise no opposition came from the rebel camp. 

In my boat were Colonel Brown and Captain Meigs, whom 
I personally piloted to the sally-port of the fort. Leaving 


them at that point, I pulled back to the Baltic for another load 
of troops. On returning from this second trip about half past 
three o'clock in the morning Meigs accompanied me. On the 
way off he became confidential. Said he, " I am acting under 
direct orders from the president, verbal and written. Lieut. 
David Porter of the navy is on the way here in command of 
the Powhatan. Upon his arrival off the port he is to pay no 
attention to the fleet, but to steam directly on into the harbor 
and take control of the waters of the bay. If fired upon by 
the rebel batteries, he is to return the fire instantly and bring 
on an engagement. Only four persons have any knowledge 
of the Powhatan's destination — the president, Mr. Seward, 
Porter, and myself. She should be here at any moment, for 
she left New York before we did. But," he continued, "if 
■upon thorough examination of the fort, Colonel Brown and 
myself decide that it is not yet advisable to draw the fire of 
the rebels, I have in my pocket instructions from Mr. Lincoln 
to intercept the ship and hand Porter orders to suspend 
•entrance into the bay until further advised." This was a 
precious, a very delicious, piece of news, and it need not be 
added that the advent of the Powhatan was looked forward to 
with intense satisfaction. 

Leaving Captain Meigs on board the Baltic, I repaired on 
board the Sabine to report the latest news from Pickens to Cap- 
tain Adams. He appeared to be stolidly indifferent, while the 
officer of the deck, Lieutenant Murdaugh, a Virginian, was 
sullen and silent. Adams, though a Pennsylvanian, had 
large interests in Louisiana, and was too strict a constructionist 
to suit the stern demands of that portentous time. Mur- 
daugh, who had received me with a studied coldness that 
bespoke inward wrath, soon resigned, hastened home, and 
entered the rebel service. Long afterwards he was given an 
office of trust and emolument under the government he did all 
he could to destroy. And glad he was to get it. 

That afternoon the Powhatan came steaming in at full 
speed disguised as a British man-of-war. She stood directly 
across the bar, and was making for close quarters with McRea 
and Barrancas, amidst the breathless but ardent expectation of 


the fleet, when suddenly a steam-tug shot out from Pickens, 
and intercepting the ship, stopped her further progress on the 
president's order, for Colonel Brown, advised by Meigs, had 
decided that Pickens was not yet sufficiently prepared to tempt 
an engagement with the enemy. Porter reluctantly obeyed the 
order but he did not retreat. He was already within range of 
some of the enemy's batteries, and hoping to draw their fire, 
hauled down the British ensign and hoisted the stars and 
stripes; but Bragg had no idea of firing the initial gun and 
remained silent. Then Porter, in full view of all that was 
going on in the bay, dropped an anchor and awaited develop- 

The stoppage of the Powhatan was not only a grievous dis- 
appointment to the fleet outside, but it was an egregious 
blunder. Porter had drilled the officers and men night and 
day on the run from New York, and they were burning for a 
fight. The ten nine-inch guns of each broadside and the 
eleven-inch pivot were loaded with grape and canister, and 
the 20, 12, and 24 pounder howitzers on board charged with 
shrapnel. There can be no doubt but that a broadside would 
have demoralized Bragg's green gunners at the first fire, and 
that two or three, delivered in quick succession, would have 
driven them from their works. Once past Tartar Point, the 
Powhatan could have enfiladed the navy yard so that no living 
soul could have stayed there. Could Porter have had his own 
way, indeed, he would have brought all the ships inside, and 
within twenty-four hours there would not have been an armed 
rebel left either on the army or naval reservation, and the yard 
would have been re-possessed intact by the government. That 
nothing was done was due to the indecision of Brown and his 
lack of qualities that make the successful soldier. 

It has always seemed to me a pity, however, that Porter did 
not become as blind to Meigs's approach as Nelson was at Sir 
Hyde Parker's signal for him to withdraw from the fight at 

Audacity in war is the touchstone of success. Nelson and 
Farragut were the two great sea exponents in modern times of 
that high quality. *" 


Some thirty-six hours after Porter's arrival, a number of tugs 
towing schooners, filled with soldiers, came down from Pensa- 
cola and steered for Pickens. That sight was more than Por- 
ter could stand, so he fired a nine-inch shrapnel shell in their 
direction, timed to burst just ahead of them. That monition 
was enough. The flotilla put about and made back for Pensa- 
cola in greatest possible haste. Here was an overt act ; a 
challenge, indeed, to the enemy ; the petted rebels had been 
fired upon in their own sacred waters, yet they remained per- 
sistently silent. Bragg well knew that if he opened fire the 
game would be up with him ; that here was a ship and an offi- 
cer ready to fight at any moment. 

Porter said of this incident that when he saw the rebels ap- 
proaching he felt like the old fellow at Bunker Hill, who was 
much amused at the volleys of the approaching British until a 
ball struck the calf of his leg, when he roared out to his son by 
his side, " Dang it, Jim, they 're firing bullets ; we must fire 
back at them ! " So Porter, when he saw such apparent offen- 
sive movement, thought it high time to begin gun practice. 

Captain Adams, the senior officer outside, was disgruntled at 
Porter's act, and thought him very reckless in firing that shot, 
but he could not interfere because Porter had the president's 
confidential orders in his pocket. On the other hand, Porter 
began to remonstrate with Adams for the laxity that permitted 
the rebels to strengthen themselves in every direction unmo- 
lested, and he succeeded in getting from him authority to stop 
the Mobile steamers from entering the port with supplies and 
ammunition for Bragg's camp. 

A few days after this, Captain McKean arrived in the Niag- 
ara^ and as Adams's senior he assumed command of the fleet. 
I had served as a midshipman under McKean's command in 
185 1, 1852, and 1853 in the Pacific, and was delighted to meet 
him again. The first thing he did upon arrival was to signal 
for the commanding and all other officers to repair on board. 
At the proper moment McKean addressed the officers assem- 
bled in the cabin, saying, that the time had now come for the 
government to know beyond doubt or question how every offi- 
cer stood, and he invited them to take anew the oath of alle- 


giance and subscribe to it. Most of the officers eagerly com- 
piled, but two or three declined ; Captain Adams subscribed 
to the oath under protest. The officers who declined to take 
the oath now resigned. The patient government accepted 
their resignations instead of sending them to Fort Lafayette. 
Captain Adams soon went home and was never afterwards 
given employment, but his son and namesake did most gallant 
service as a lieutenant during the war. 

Captain McKean now dispersed the ships for the establish- 
ment of the blockade. We were sent to Key West, via Tortu- 
gas, but for blockading purposes against steam vessels the old 
St. Louis was of little account. 

The Mohawk and the Crusader, Lieutenants-Commanding 
Craven and Maffit, — small purchased steamers like the Wyan- 
dotte, — had been cruising in Cuban and other West Indian 
waters for the suppression of the slave trade ; for after the 
Dred Scott decision by the Supreme Court the slave trade had 
been revived and several cargoes direct from Africa had been 
landed on Southern soil or captured in the attempt — two such 
prizes having fallen to the Mohawk. Maffit proved to be a 
secessionist, and threw up his commission the moment the 
Confederacy was established. But gallant Craven, a son of 
New Hampshire by birth, and who was subsequently sunk in 
the Tecumseh at the battle of Mobile Bay, was loyal to the core. 
He had assisted Captain Brennan of the First Artillery in the 
transfer of his command and munitions from the barracks at 
Key West to the uncompleted Fort Taylor commanding the 
town, and also in transporting men and supplies to Fort Jeffer- 
son at Tortugas to prevent its seizure by the rebels who had 
organized a force at New Orleans to occupy it. When Craven 
reported to the Navy Department what he had done his action 
was disapproved. He was informed, indeed, that the Depart- 
ment had had no information of intention on the part of any- 
body to occupy those public works. Mr. Secretary Toucey 
was apparently blind to all passing events, or did he expect the 
rebels to go about with a brass band proclaiming what they 
were going to do? ^ 

After a short stay at Key West, we were ordered to Mobile 


to take blockade duty at that point; thence to S. W. pass at 
tbe. month of the Mississippi. Finally, in October, we were 
ordered to proceed to Philadelphia and go out of commission. 
• This was a welcome change, — first, because we had been 
away from home nearly three years, and second, because it 
gave us opportunity for service on board more effective ships 
than the old St. Louis — a service all looked eagerly forward to. 

One officer only had left us to join the rebels — a South Car- 
olinian. We had been more fortunate in that regard than 
most of the ships. 

The officer who had pooh-poohed so flippantly all idea of 
war, in the summer and fall of i860, and who had been inval- 
ided home from Vera Cruz, was now by special assignment of 
the president at work in his state of Kentucky to save that 
state from secession, and to enroll volunteers and organize 
them into regiments of the Union army. He had found, 
indeed, that Kentucky instead of whipping South Carolina 
back into the Union was in part inclined to go out herself. 
You will doubtless have recognized that this officer was Lieut. 
Wm. Nelson of the navy, who became a major-general of vol- 
unteers, and did gallant service in the field until his tragic 
death at Louisville. 

He was a man of commanding presence and great ability, 
but from his rough speech and brusque manners he had been 
nicknamed " Bully Nelson " in the navy from the start. His 
division of Bud's army was the first one to reach the field of 
Shiloh on the evening of the first day of that memorable battle 
which, but for the characteristic tenacity of Grant, might have 
ended in a disastrous defeat for the Union army. 

When we were detached from the St. Louis after our three 
years' cruise, we were given ten days' leave of absence, but I 
had been at home barely a week when I received orders to 
proceed to Boston and report for duty as executive officer of 
the gun-boat Huron. At that time we had no railroad or tele- 
graphic facilities at Newport, and it was the custom for the 
mail-stage to call at the houses of passengers in the village 
and take them on board at their doors. 

As I stepped into the coach the crisp December morning 


that I left home, the solitary passenger inside — Mr. Smart of 
Concord, who had come on from Claremont where he had 
been teaching school — said, " Have you heard the news ? " 
"What news ?" I asked. "Why, a telegram was received at 
Claremont last night reporting that Captain Wilkes, command- 
ing the steam frigate San Jacinto, had boarded the British mail 
steamer Trent on the high seas, and taken from her the rebel 
commissioners, Mason and Slidell, as prisoners charged with 
high treason." " Well," I replied, " Captain Wilkes has made a 
great mistake; his action will have to be disavowed, and the 
rebel commissioners be given up. Captain Wilkes had ample 
British precedents for what he did, it is true, but his action was 
directly the reverse of what we always have contended for in 
the matter of the right of search on the high seas ; and there 
is nothing left for us to do than to return the commissioners 
to the protection of the British flag. To do otherwise would 
be to stultify our whole record and contention as a maritime 
power with regard to the right of visit and of search ever since 
we have been an independent nation." I need not say that, after 
some delay and much discussion, the government acted upon 
a like view. We know, too, that Mr. Lincoln held that opin- 
ion from the moment the emergency was brought before him 
in all its details. 

Had conditions been reversed ; had Ireland been in armed 
revolt against Great Britain, and a British ship-of-war had 
overhauled an American mail steamer and taken from her 
deck envoys from Ireland to the United States, England 
would have clung to her old pretension of visitation and 
search and would never have given them up; but when, in the 
case of the 2rent y she ignored her past claims and procedures, 
she attracted the support of the other great maritime powers 
that had hitherto suffered from her imperious acts on the high 
seas, for it marked out a new line of neutral rights to which 
Great Britain must henceforth bow and respect. On the other 
hand, we could afford to be right in such matter of maritime 
concern, even though it cut to the quick of national pride for 
the moment in the stress of our grave situation, but we cojjld 
not afford to go to war with the greatest sea power in the 



world when a colossal rebellion confronted us, taxing to the 
utmost all our resources of blood and treasure to crush it out. 1 

Prior to the Rebellion, Mr. Sumner, in common with other 
captives in Britain's Pecksniffian train, had supposed that in 
the cause of human rights, the British government would give 
its fullest sympathies to the cause of the Union in its struggle 
with the slave power of this country, but had he and his fellow 
dupes studied English history and character more closely he 
and they would have seen that pounds, shillings, and pence 
have ever been the governing factors of the sympathy and 
policy of official England. 

We know that the English slave trade was established by 
Johu Hawkins in 1562 ; that his first venture was so success- 
ful that two years later, "good Queen Bess" loaned him one 
of her own ships and took shares in the enterprise; that the 
British Crown continued to gather profits from that infamous 
traffic until the reign of George III. 

It was two hundred ten years after Hawkins began the 
slave trade, that Lord Mansfield decided that " a slave 
becomes free at the moment of setting foot on British soil." 
Nevertheless, the slave traffic by authority and to the profit of 
the crown was continued long after. 

But in 1807, the trade having become unprofitable as 
regarded the British West Indian islands, the Parliament, 

i Here is a parallel case. When the Revolutionary War was at its height, the 
Continental Congress despatched as ambassador to Holland, then a neutral power, 
Henry Laurens, a former president of the Congress, vested with power to secure from 
that government a recognition of the United Colonies as an independent nation — to 
conclude a treaty and negotiate a loan. In 17S0 he left Charleston on board the 
brigantine Adriana, bound to Martinique. From thence he took passage in a Dutch 
packet, the Mercury, for Holland, and thus was on board a neutral vessel, sailing 
between neutral ports. 

" When three days out from Martinique, the Mercury was overhauled by the 
British frigate Vestal, Mr. Laurens, with his secretary, was forcibly removed from on 
board the Mercury ; his papers were seized ; they were taken in the Vestal to St. 
Johns, Newfoundland, and thence, by an order of the British Admiralty, he, with his 
secretary, was taken to England, and he was committed as a prisoner to the Tower of 
London, on a charge of high treason. The British reverse at Yorktown soon changed 
the character of his confinement to that of a prisoner of war, and he was not long 
thereafter released in exchange for Lieutenant-General Lord Cornwallis." — Upton's 
" Maritime Warfare and Prize." - ^ 

Such was one of the precedents upon which Wilkes probably acted. 


prodded by philanthropists like Wilberforce, Macaulay and 
others, abolished the traffic by enactment. Slavery continued, 
however, in the colonies until 1834, when it was also abolished 
in them. Then England began to throw stones at this coun- 
try, and to send her emissaries into our midst to sow the seeds 
of dissension between the North and the South. Her efforts 
succeeded but too well. The leaven worked so well, indeed, 
that scarce a quarter of a century passed when the flames of 
civil war broke forth upon the land. 

Did official England then take the side of right and free- 
dom ? No ! she did all she dared to do to aid the insurgents 
in their purpose to destroy the Union ; and could she have 
witnessed the overthrow of this government through the 
triumph of the Confederacy she would have cared not a whit 
for the blood that reddened our land, nor for the groans of the 
black men continued in slavery as the result of insurgent 

When the late General Hurlburt was our minister to Peru 
in 1881-82, the British minister, Sir Spencer St. John, said to 
him one day while they were good-naturedly discussing inter- 
national affairs, " Why do you speak of England as you do? 
Little more than a hundred years ago you Americans were all 
Englishmen. " "Very true," replied General Hurlburt, "but 
we are now improved Englishmen — that makes the difference." 

Had the governing classes of Great Britain comprehended 
more fully the effects of climate upon the race, and the greater 
range of free thought and action this new country afforded in 
the free states of the North, they would never have made the 
mistake of siding with the rebellious states in the hope of 
destroying the Union and the bettering of British commercial 
and political interests thereby. Had they, indeed, pursued a 
different policy and given their support to the North, they 
would have bound themselves by hooks of steel to the loyal 
heart of this nation, and the bitterness of the past generation 
and the distrust of the present would have had no place in the 
annals of either country. 

No man recognized such fact more clearly than Mr. Sum- 
ner. His faith in the moral integrity of the British people 


was thoroughly shaken, and he went to his grave believing in 
the treachery and perfidy of the people he had once looked 
upon as the leaders in civilization and in humane movement 
on lines of personal liberty. 

It is not too much to say, indeed, that at least one half of our 
killed and wounded during the war met their death or disable- 
ment at the muzzles of British-made muskets and British-rifled 
ordnance shot and shell; nor that the Rebellion was initiated 
under the belief of British sympathy, and prolonged because of 
the substantial aid of British shipbuilders and shipowners and 
blockade runners ; and the further fact that England was the 
naval base of the Confederacy, from which issued the Ala- 
bama, the Shenandoah, and other vessels to destroy our mer- 
chantmen on the high seas. 

Of the forty-five officers on the navy list in January, 1861, 
who had connection with New Hampshire either by birth, 
appointment, or citizenship, only one resigned his commission, 
and he was then a citizen of t Maryland and had, doubtless, 
married there. I cannot find, however, that he ever did any 
active service against the flag. 

Admiral Belknap's address was listened to by a large and 
appreciative audience, and at its close a vote of thanks was 
presented to the speaker, and a copy of the address requested 
for preservation in the archives of the Society. 

A communication from Rev. Dr. W. R. Cochrane of Antrim, 
suggesting an earlier hour of the day for holding the meetings 
of the Society to accommodate members from out of town, was 
read by the secretary, and, on motion of Hon. J. C. A. Hilb 
the communication was referred to the committee on speakers. 

Joseph W. Lund of Boston was elected a resident member. 

Voted to adjourn, 3 130 p. m., to the call of the president. 

John C. Ordway, 


Concord, March 9, 1898. 
The fourth adjourned seventy-fifth annual meeting of the 
Society was held in the librarian's room in the Society's build- 


ing in Concord, Wednesday, March 9, 1898, at 2 o'clock in 
the afternoon, President Stevens in the chair. 

Hon. Joseph B. Walker of Concord delivered the following 
address on " The Bow Controversy " : 


Accompanying the bloody contests with the French and 
Indian enemy, in which the early settlers of Concord were 
involved, was another, of a legal character, known as the Bow 
Controversy. It was prosecuted in the provincial courts, and 
before the King in Council, in London. It commenced when 
the committee of the general court of Massachusetts Bay and 
their surveyors began to layout their township, then designated 
as the Plantation of Penny Cook, 1 in May, 1726 ; and was not 
fully settled until the close of English supremacy over the 
thirteen American colonies which had successfully resisted its 
power, having lasted through the period of more than half a 

It is interesting, not only on account of the spirit with which 
it was waged, its long continuance, and the disparity of the 
parties, the Bow proprietary having in its company a large pro- 
portion of the members of the provincial government, while its 
opponents were but a small body of hard-working farmers upon 
the Indian frontier, but on account of the power of a few reso- 
lute men united in defense of rights which they conscientiously 
believed to be their own. 

'To prevent confusion, hereafter, it should be remembered that Concord has borne, 
at different times, three different names. From 1725, when it was first chartered by 
the General Court of Massachusetts, it was called the Plantation of Penny Cook. It 
bore that name until 1733, when, by the same body, it was incorporated as the Town 
of Rutnford. Thence, on to 1747, it was known as the town, and from this time to 1749 
as the district of Rumford. From July 12, 1749, when the District Act expired, on 
to 1765, a period of nearly sixteen years, it had no organized existence whatever. On 
the twenty-fifth of May, 1765, the government of New Hampshire incorporated it 
anew as the Parish of Concord. It continued to be a parish until Jan. 2, 1784, when, 
by an act of the legislature, it was " Invested with all the powers and enfranchised 
with all the rights, privileges and immunities which any town in this state holds and 
enjoys, to hold to said inhabitants and their successors forever." (N. H. A&ts, Vol. 
IV, /. 502.) 


In this controversy, the Bow proprietors sought to eject the 
Penny Cook settlers from the farms which they had cleared 
from the wilderness, and turn them adrift upon the world. In 
this contest their minister was their chosen leader, their com- 
rade and friend. So vital its issue to him and his people, was 
this prolonged contest that it is worthy of a brief recital. 

About a year after (May 20, 1727), the general court of Mas- 
sachusetts had made to its proprietors the grant of the planta- 
tion of Penny Cook, the New Hampshire government granted 
the same territory, with some additional land, to one hundred 
and twenty-three persons, designated as the proprietors of Bow. 
Of most of these little is now known. Among them, however, 
were Benning Wentworth, afterwards governor of the province, 
Hunking Wentworth, William Wentworth, Mark Wentworth, 
George JafTrey, Jr., Richard Waldron, Jr., Richard Wibird, Jr., 
and several others, then of much influence in the provincial 
government. To this body of proprietors was added, for 
some unmentioned reason, another body of" Admitted Associ- 
ates." These, numbering twenty-nine, consisted of: His Ex- 
cellency & Hon* Samuel Shute, Esq., governor ; John Went- 
worth, Esq., lieutenant-governor; Col. Mark Hunking, Rich d 
Wibird, John Ffrost, Coll. Walton, Coll. Thomas Westbrook, 
George JafTrey, Archibald McPheadries, Jotham Odiorne, 
councillors; and Peter Weare, John Gilman, Cap 1 John Gilman, 
M r Eph m Dennet, Eben r Stevens, John Plaisted, Andrew Wig- 
gin, Sam 11 Tibbets, John Sanburn, Rich d Jennes, James Davis, 
Cap 1 John Downing, Paul Gerrish, Theod r Atkinson, Cap 1 W m 
Fellows, the membership of the assembly, to which last body 
was added James Jeffrey, Zah. Hanaford, Jos. Loverin, Jos. 
Wiggin, Dani 11 Loverin and Pierce Long. 

It is a noticeable fact that this list of "admitted associates" 
embraces the names of substantially all the members of the 
executive and legislative branches of the provincial govern- 
ment, in whose control was placed the appointment of the jus- 
tices of the courts. and their subordinate officers. 

It is also a noticeable fact that one of the conditions of this 
grant was "That upon Default of any Perticular Proprietor in 
Complying with the Conditions of the Charter upon his part, 



Such Delinquent Proprietor Shall forfeit his Shear to the other 

At the time these two grants of the same territory were made 
to these two proprietaries, the common boundary line between 
northern Massachusetts and southern New Hampshire was 
undetermined. Both provinces claimed ownership of the terri- 
tory covered by their respective grants, but the procedures of 
their respective grantees were entirely unlike. 

Upon receiving their grants, the proprietors of Penny Cook 
had taken immediate measures to fulfil in good faith its condi- 
tions, and render habitable their plantation. By 1733 it con- 
tained about eighty families, and its inhabitants were in the 
enjoyment of the immunities of a regularly chartered town. 

During the same period, and even subsequently, the pro- 
prietors of Bow did nothing worthy of mention to improve any 
part of their township, but, like the distinguished Mr. Micaw- 
ber, whom Dickens has introduced to our acquaintance, idly 
waited "for something to turn up " whereby they might seize 
upon fields which others had reduced to cultivation, and occupy 
houses which they neither erected nor owned. 

Some eight years after the issuance of the Bow grant, Dec. 
15, 1735, in answer to a petition of Joseph Rindge, asking for 
a determination of the boundaries between the provinces of 
Massachusetts Bay and New Hampshire, the lords of the com- 
mittee of council for plantation affairs made report to the king 
"That they Agree in Opinion with the said Lord's Commis- 
sioners that it may be advisable for Your Majesty to appoint 
and Authorize Commissioners to be Chosen out of the Neigh- 
bouring Provinces in America to meet within a Limited time 
and mark out the Dividing line between the said Provinces of 
the Massachusetts Bay and New Hampshire — And their Lord- 
ships Do further humbly Report to Your Majesty as their 
Opinion that in the running the said Boundary- Line due Care 
should be taken that Private Property may not be Affected thereby." 1 

Thereupon, on the twenty-second day of the following Janu- 
ary, the king ordered that the said lords of the committee of 
council for plantation affairs should suggest proper persons to 

*N. H. State Papers, Vol.XIX,/. 261. 


be appointed members of said commission, in the language 
following : 

"The King's most Excellent Majesty in Council. 
" Upon reading this day at the Board a Report from the 
Right Honourable the Lords of the Committee of Council for 
Plantation Affairs dated the 15th of last Month relating to the 
Settling the Boundaries between the Provinces of the Massa- 
chusetts Bay and New Hampshire in America, wherein their 
Lordships propose that Commiss™ to be chosen out of the 
Neighbouring Provinces should be appointed and Authorized 
by His Majesty to meet within a limited time and mark out 
the Dividing line between the said Provinces, a?id to take care that 
Private Property be not affected thereby : — His Majesty Approv- 
ing thereof, Is pleased to Order, that the same be Referred to 
the Right Honourable the Lords of the Committee of Council 
for Plantation Affairs, to Consider of proper persons to be 
appointed to Settle the said Boundarys and to make Report 
thereof to His Majesty at this Board. — 

"W: Sharpe." 1 

"In accordance with the recommendation of the lords of the 
committee of council for plantation affairs, on the ninth day of 
April, 1736, his majesty appointed George Clark, Francis Har- 
rison, Cadwalder Colden, Abraham Van Horn, Philip Levings- 
ton, John Hamilton, John Wells, John Reading, Cornelius Van 
Horn, William Provost, William Skene, William Sherriffe, 
Henry Cope, Erasmus James Phillips, Otho Hamilton, Samuel 
Vernon, John Gardiner, John Potter, Ezekiel Warner & 
George Cornel, or any five or more of you to be our Commis- 
sioners for Settling, Adjusting & determining the Respective 
boundaries of our said provinces of the Mass u Bay & New 
Hamp r in America, in dispute as aforesaid." 2 

The commission met at Hampton, N. H., on the first day of 
August, 1737, and after hearing all claims, evidence, and 
arguments presented by the two parties, made a report, 
indecisive as to the line forming the northern boundary of 

1 N. H. Prov. Papers, Vol. XIX, //. 261, 262. "" 

N. H. State Papers, Vol. XIX, /. 274. 


Massachusetts and the southern boundary of New Hampshire. 
It was, in substance, that if, on the one hand, the Massachu- 
setts charter conferred by William and Mary in 1691, covered 
the same territory as that of Charles the First in 1629, the line 
claimed by Massachusetts was the true one, but if, on the 
other, it did not, the line claimed by New Hampshire was the 
true one, and should be established as such. 

This decision of the commission making no conclusive set- 
tlement of the question at issue, it was left for determination to 
the king. To it he gave attention and apparently presumed, — 

1st. That the original line, starting, as claimed by the con- 
testants, at the sea, three miles north of the mouth of the 
Merrimack river, and following the river westward at that dis- 
tance therefrom, to its source and thence running due westward 
to his majesty's other governments was intended to be a sub- 
stantially straight east and west line, throughout. 

2d. That when this line reached Pawtucket Falls, where the 
river turned northward, ignorant of, or ignoring, the fact that 
the line which thus far from the sea had dipped considerably 
south of west, he further presumed it had reached the point 
whence its remaining course should be due west, not noting 
the fact that this point was fourteen miles south of the line 
claimed by New Hampshire. 

At all events, whether these considerations did or did not 
enter the mind of his majesty, he decided on the tenth day of 
March, 1740-41, that "The Northern boundary of the said 
Province of the Massachusetts Bay are and be a similar Curve 
line pursuing the course of the Merrimack River at three Miles 
distance on the North side Thereof beginning at the Atlantic 
Ocean, and ending at a Point due North of a place (in a plan 
returned by the said Commissioners call'd Pawtucket Falls,) 
and a strait Line drawn from thence due West cross the said 
River till it Meets with his Majesty's other Governments." l 

This decision of the king took from Massachusetts and gave 
to New Hampshire a strip of territory fifty miles long and four- 
teen miles wide more than the latter had ever claimed. 

1 N. H. State Papers, Vol. XIX, /. 478. 


About this time four events occurred which boded no good 
■to the people of Concord. 

First. The first was the establishment of this boundary line, 
March 10, 1640, by which Concord was transferred against its 
will to the heart of New Hampshire, whose government having 
long and persistently sought it, now gave it a cool reception. 

Second. The accession on the thirteenth day of December, 
1741, of Benning Wentworth to the chief magistracy of New 
Hampshire, who upon the removal of Gov. Jonathan Belcher, 
the previous governor, had, through the efforts of influential 
friends, been appointed his successor. He was the son of the 
former Lieutenant Governor John Wentworth, and had been for 
some years a successful merchant of Portsmouth, but had re- 
cently been rendered bankrupt by an unfortunate contract with 
the government of Spain. 

His associates in the government were largely his relatives 
and personal friends. His council consisted of : 

George Jaffrey, his brother-in-law, president of the council, 
^treasurer, chief justice, and justice of the admiralty. 

Theodore Atkinson, also his brother-in-law, secretary and 
chief justice of the inferior court. 

Jothatn Odiorne, whose brother married the governor's grand- 

Richard Wibird, whose sister married the governor's brother, 
justice, 1742-1747. 

Henry Sherburne, a cousin of the governor. 

Samuel Solley, son-in-law of George Jaffrey, and by marriage 
the governor's nephew, councillor, 1739-1765. 

Ellis Huske, whose wife's brother married the governor's sis- 
ter, councillor from 1733 to 1765. 

Joseph Sherburne, 

Samuel Smith, znd/ohn Downing, capitalists and friends of 
the governor. 

In addition to these, Richard Waldron mentions as " friends " 
of the governor, " IViggin, Justice and Judge of Probate, Clark- 
so?i, Gage, Walli?igford, Gilman, Pabner, Roby, Jemiess, Odiorne, 
Walton, and Stevens, Justices." l 

1 Farmer's Belknap, /. 336. 


Third. The enactment of the District Act, four months 
after the governor had entered upon the discharge of his offi- 
cial duties. This denied the validity of the Penny Cook grant, 
of the Rumford town charter which had, four years before, 
been approved by the king; and that its citizens had any legal 
right to the territory which they had occupied for the previous 
twenty years. It moreover reminded them that they were a 
community without organized government and possessed of no 
power to elect civil officers, or to levy and collect public taxes. 
In short, it asserted that the king's establishment of the 
boundary line between the two provinces had remanded them 
to a state of nature, from which its provisions had so far deliv- 
ered them as to enable them for one year to raise money 
towards the support of the provincial government and for no 
other purpose. 

This extraordinary act was passed March 18, 1741-42, and 
was entitled " An Act for subjecting all persons and Estates 
within this Province, lying Eastward or Northward of the 
Northern and Eastern Boundary of the Province of Massachu- 
setts Bay (not being within any Township) to pay a tax 
(according to the rules herein prescribed) towards the support 
of this Government." 

By its provisions, this territory was divided into seven dis- 
tricts, " Rumford, so called," being the seventh. In each of these 
a meeting of the inhabitants ordinarily qualified to vote for 
town officers was ordered to be called and held, to elect, "a 
Clerk, three or five Selectmen or Assessors [and] a Collector or 
Collectors." If any such clerk, selectman, or assessor declined 
to accept and be sworn to the faithful performance of the duties 
of the office to which he had been elected, he was to be fined 
twenty pounds ; and any person refusing to give to the clerk a 
sworn statement of his property liable to taxation was to be 
fined "not exceeding fifty pounds at the discretion of the 

The power of the people of these districts was restricted to 
the raising of money "for the support of this Government." 
The act, which was to be in force one year only, was subse- 
quently renewed from time to time and broadened, so that, the 


voters of Rumford were allowed the farther privilege of raising 
money for the support of their minister, schools, and highways. 
It expired by limitation on the twelfth day of July, 1749, and 
the inhabitants of Rumford were bereft of civil government. 
They held their last town-meeting on the twenty-ninth of 
March, 1749, and did not hold another until the twenty-first 
day of January, 1766, when, by virtue of an act entitled "An 
Act for setting off a Part of the Town of Bow, Together with 
some Lands adjoining thereto, with the Inhabitants thereon, 
and making them a Parish, Investing them with such Privileges 
and Immunities as Towns in this Province have & do Enjoy," 
their record begins anew. For almost seventeen years they 
had been deprived of civil government, and their public records 
show a hiatus between these dates which can never be filled. 

Fourth. The revival of the former claim of the proprie- 
tors of Bow to the territory embraced in the township of Rum- 
ford by virtue of their New Hampshire grant in 1727. 

That the proprietors of Bow, as a proprietary, had any legal 
existence at this time it would be hard to show, inasmuch as 
they had long before forfeited their grant, whose original 
validity was doubtful to say the least, by a non-compliance 
with its conditions. They had failed, as thereby required, 
"To build or cause to be built Seventy five Dwelling houses 
on S d Land & Settle a Family in Each House & Clear Three 
Acres of Land fitt for Mowing or Plowing within Three years," 
and to build "a Meeting House for the Public Worship of 
God within the Term of four years." l 

But to this consideration was attached little importance by 
the provincial government, most or all of whose members were, 
like Governor Wentvvorth, either original grantees of this pro- 
prietary or in strong sympathy with them. And, if one looks 
a little deeper, he may find underlying this controversy, the 
lack of sympathy then existing between the members of the 
Church of England and the Massachusetts Puritans, who were 
moving inland in- increasing numbers. 

Nor should it be forgotten that, as the eastern towns of 
Massachusetts became peopled and new townships were 

1 N. H. Provincial Papers, Vol. XXIV, /. 290. 


sought for, a class of land speculators made their appearance, 
wiio, from their peculiar ways of acquiring titles, were some- 
times designated as "land grabbers." Indeed, our last French 
and Indian War was largely caused by the formation of the 
Ohio Company in 1749, and the eagerness of people of New 
York, Pennsylvania, and Virginia to gain possession of lands 
on the west side of the Alleghany mountains. 

Governor Benning Wentworth seems to have been willing to 
mend his broken fortunes by availing himself of opportunities 
afforded by his official station to grant new townships, it being 
his custom to appropriate to his individual use the fees attend- 
ing such grants, and to reserve to himself, his friends, and the 
"Church of England as by law established," liberal slices of 
each one granted. So uniformly and pe sistently did he con- 
tinue in this thrifty practice that he became in time the most 
enterprising and benevolent land grabber in New Hampshire 
certainly, and possibly in all New England. One cannot fail, 
even at this late day, t > read with interest the usual addition 
to the list of grantees in these charters, of "His Excellency 
Benning Wentworth Esq., A Tract of Land to Contain five 
hund d Acres, which is to be accounted Two of the within men- 
tioned Shares, One whole Share for the Incorporated Society 
for the Propagation of the Gospel in Forreign Parts, One 
whole Share for the first Settled Minister of the Gospel in 
Said Town, One whole Share for a Glebe for the Ministry of 
the Church of England as by Law Established." In the Ver- 
mont grants this phraseology was generally so varied as to 
include '• A School in Said Town," and to the governor's 
"Five Hundred Acres " was added the clinching clause, "as 
Marked B— W— in the Plan." 

These charters of sixty new towns in New Hampshire, and 
of one hundred and sixteen in Vermont, set aside for the gov- 
ernor no less than ninety-two thousand and eight hundred 
acres. They also secured to his brother-in-law, Theodore 
Atkinson, 19,750; to Mark Hunking Wentworth, his brother, 
I 3»75°? to Theodore Atkinson, Jr., his nephew, 9,000; to 
Richard Wibird, brother-in-law of the governor's brother, 
12,250; to Joseph Newmarch, his friend, 12,750; making in 


the aggregate a grand total of one hundred and sixty thou- 
sand and three hundred acres given to the governor and five 
of his friends during his administration, four of the latter 
being near relatives. Nor were these all who were thus 
remembered. Not long after the boundary lines of the two 
adjoining provinces had been established, the proprietors of 
Bow, claiming under the charter previously mentioned as 
granted by the New Hampshire provincial government in 
1727, determined to eject the inhabitants of Rumford from the 
landed estates which they had improved and occupied for 
more than a score of years. Although this charter, upon 
which they were to base their efforts, had been forfeited for 
non-compliance with its conditions, they seem to have antici- 
pated no difficulty from that fact; nor does it appear that they 
encountered any. Among them were the governor, Benning 
Wentworth ; his brother, Hunking Wentworth; his other 
brother, William Wentworth ; the heirs-at-law of his father, 
the late Lieut.-Gov. John Wentworth ; his brother-in-law, 
Theodore Atkinson ; another brother-in-law, George Jaffrey ; 
Richard Wibird, brother-in-law of one of his Excellency's 
brothers, and various other individuals whose names and 
family or political relations to the governor it is unnecessary 
here to mention. That they sufficed in numbers to control 
the council, the assembly, and the courts, there seems no rea- 
son to doubt. Of whatever sins the governor may have been 
guilty in his administration, he must forever stand acquitted 
of any indifference to the claims of his friends. 

The plan of procedure adopted b\ the Bow proprietors was : 
First. To prevent a renewal of the district act, before 
mentioned, which conferred partial town privileges upon the 
inhabitants of Rumford, and expired a fourth time, as already 
stated, on the twelfth day of July, 1749. This purpose was 
accomplished, and the little community were thereby deprived 
of civil government and bereft of all power to levy a legal tax 
to provide means to defend itself against the assaults of its 
assailants.. But the spirit of honest municipal rule was not 
thereby banished from the hearts of its people ; nor was the 
power to raise money by voluntary contribution taken away. 


Nor, indeed, did this action of their assailants destroy their 
proprietary organization, which served to consolidate their 
strength, as did the New England town-meetings that of the 
patriots of the Revolution, twenty years later. 

Second. To assail them by repeated suits of ejectment, 
instituted to obtain possession of small parcels of land of a 
less value than three hundred pounds, the least amount for 
which an appeal could be taken to the home courts in 
England. By thus confining their suits to the provincial 
courts, in which they felt confident of favorable verdicts, they 
expected by expensive and persistent litigation to force the 
Rumford proprietors to purchase a second time the landed 
estates they had once paid for and improved, or abandon 
them to their possession. 

However, the execution of this scheme, so adroitly devised 
and confidently trusted, was delayed for several years by King 
George's War, which broke out in 1744, and lasted until 1748. 
During its continuance, the purpose of the proprietors of Bow 
remained in abeyance, and the provincial government, desir- 
ous of its success, cooperated to some extent with the little 
town in its defense of the frontier, realizing that it was an 
important outpost, whose maintenance was of great conse- 
quence as a protection of the capital and of the towns in its 
vicinity from the French and Indian enemy. 1 

As soon, however, as the treaty of Aix la Chapelle (October 
18, 1748) had put an end to this war, the Bow proprietors felt 
that the time for executing their scheme had come. To em- 
barrass as far as possible their victims, the district act was 

1 In a petition to the New Hampshire provincial government, June 27, 1744, for 
military aid against the French and Indian enemy, Benjamin Rolfe, in behalf of the 
inhabitants of Rumford, says : 

" That many thousand pounds have been spent in clearing and cultivating the 
lands there, and many more in erecting mansion houses, out Houses, barns and 
fences ; besides a large additional sum in fort 'ifi 'cat 'ions, lately made by his Excel- 
lency, the Governor's order, That the buildings are compact, and properly formed 
for defence, and well situated for a barrier, being on the Merrimack river, about 
fifteen miles below the confluence of Winnipishoky [Winnipisiogee] and Pemissa- 
wasset [Pemigewasset] Rivers, both which are main gangways of the Canadians to 
the frontiers of this Province." ^, 

Moore's Annals of Concord,/. S4. 


allowed to expire by limitation (July 12, 1749), and at the 
next term of the inferior court (December, 1749), a suit of 
ejectment was entered against Deacon John Merrill for the 
possession of a part of his modest homestead at the south end 
of the main street of the little town. 

That a fair trial was impossible under the circumstances 
was then, as now, evident to all persons cognizant of the 
details of this controversy. In his history of Bow Mr. Harri- 
son Colby very truly remarks, " Impartial trials were impossi- 
ble in New Hampshire courts, as judges, juries, councillors, 
and all were in the interest of the proprietors of Bow." 1 

At this time the inhabitants of Rumford, all told, num- 
bered about four hundred, a frugal people, supporting them- 
selves upon less than one hundred farms which they had 
wrested from the woods some twenty years before. These, 
together with the stock thereon and the undivided portion of 
their township, constituted the sum total, substantially, of 
their fortunes. For such a community to resist the power of 
the provincial government may have seemed to dispassionate 
observers of the time as foolhardy as for the valorous knight 
of La Mancha to wage battle with the windmill of Montiel. 
At the same time, it must have been plain that submission to 
the demands made upon them was equivalent to ruin, while 
persistent resistance afforded some hope, although remote, of 
ultimate success. But, in any event, the acquirement of a 
good fighting reputation was secure. 

The simile fails if their situation be likened to that of a 
meek, sleek lamb, surrounded by a pack of ravenous wolves ; 
for, in this case, the lamb eventually proved to be a sturdy 
mastiff, whose jaws were as strong as those of his assailants, 
and to whom fear was an unknown emotion. These simple 
yeomen had lived upon the Indian frontier a score of years. 
Some of them had been scouts and soldiers in King George's 
War. Some had also participated in the capture of Louisburg 
but a few years before. 

Now that the crisis had come and the first assault upon 
them had been made, they coolly assembled as a proprietary in 

1 History of Merrimack County,/. 268. 


their log meeting-house, the only organization left them, to 
deliberate and provide means of defense. In this first struc- 
ture of the township, which served the triple purpose of 
church, fortress, and schoolhouse, on the twenty-third day of 
April, 1750, they 

" Voted, That the Proprietors aforesaid will be at the Cost of 
Defending fohn Merrill, one of said Proprietors, in the Action 
brought against the said fohn by the Proprietors of Bow for the 
Recovery of Part of said fohrfs Homested, provided said fohn 
Merrill Shall Pursue and Defend said Action Agreeable to the 
orders of said Proprietors" 

" Agreed and Voted That the said Proprietors will be at the 
Cost and Charge of Supporting the just Right and Claim of any of 
said Proprietors or their Grantees to any and every Part of said 
Township of Rumford against any Person or Persons that Shall 
Trespass upon any of said Lands or that Shall bring a writ of 
Trespass and Ejectment for the Recovery of any of said Lands. 
Provided the said Proprietors or Grantees that Shall be Tres- 
passed upon or that Shall be sued Shall Pursue and Defend 
their Rights or Claims agreeable to the Orders of said Proprie- 
tors of Rumford." 

These notes meant: 

That the proprietors of Rumford would countenance no 
bargain that any one of them might be induced to make, in 
relation to their lands in Rumford with their common enemy, 
and, in accordance therewith, they farther 

"Voted, That Capt John Chandler, Coll Benjamin Rolfe, 
Lieut. Jeremiah Stickney, M r Ebenezer Virgin and Doct r Ezra 
Carter be a Committee for said Proprietors to advise and 
Order Deacon John Merrill how he shall pursue and defend 
the Action brought against Merrill by the Proprietors of Bow ; 
also to Advise and Order any other Person or Persons that 
shall be sued or shall sue, in order to Support and Defend 
their Rights or Claims, what Method they Shall pursue for the 
Purposes aforesaid." 

And, to provide means for carrying into effect the purpose 
contemplated in this last vote, they also ^ 

" Voted, That Doct r Ezra Carter, Lieut. Jeremiah Stickney 


and Cap* John Chandler be a Committee to sell such Pieces 
of the Common and undivided Land in said Township as they 
shall think propeT and least detrimental to the Proprietors for 
to raise Money to pay the Proprietor's Debts and the Charges 
that hath arisen or Shall arise by Defending the Suit brought 
against Deacon John Merrill by the Proprietors of Bow." x 

At a meeting of the Rumford proprietors held a year later, 
April 23, 175 1, they enlarged the provisions of this vote, so 
that it might include the defense of Ebenezer Virgin, in an 
action brought against him by Clement March, Esq., for the 
possession of a portion of his farm. If it seems strange that 
they should have sought means to carry on their lawsuits by 
the sale of land, whose title was the question at issue, it may 
be remarked that it was almost their only resource, and that 
the deeds made of it proved of far greater value than the con- 
tinental money of the United States or the assignats of France 
of later dates. 

It should be here stated that upon the expiration of the 
district act, before mentioned, under whose provisions for the 
previous seven years the citizens of Rumford had been enabled 
to raise money for ordinary town purposes, the provincial gov- 
ernment, mainly or wholly in the interests of the proprietors 
of Bow, having before renewed it no less than three different 
times, now refused to reenact it. 

The result of this action was the deprival of the citizens of 
Rumford of all municipal powers as clearly set forth in a peti- 
tion of Benjamin Rolfe, for himself and in their behalf, for a 
town charter. This petition is addressed " To His Excellency 
Benning Wentworth Esq. . . . and to the Honorable His 
Majesty's Council 0/ said Province" and is dated January 24, 
1749. In it the petitioner says, " And your memorialists have 
abundant reason to think that the Rev. Mr. Timothy Walker, 
who has been settled with us as our minister for about twenty 
years (unless we can speedily be put into a capacity to make a 
tax for his salary), will be necessitated to leave us, which will 
be to our great loss and inexpressible grief, for he is a gentle- 
men of an unspotted character and universally beloved by us. 
1 Proprietors' Records, Vol. III,//. 187, 1S8. 


Our public school will also of course fail, and our youth be 
thereby deprived, in a great measure, of the means of learning, 
which we apprehend to be of a very bad consequence. Our 
school master, who is a gentleman of liberal education, and 
•came well recommended to us, and lately moved his family 
from Andover to Rumford, on account of his keeping school 
"for us, will be greatly damaged and disappointed. And your 
memorialists, under the present circumstances, are deprived of 
all other privileges which a well regulated town (as such) 
enjoy." * 

In short, to further the interest of the Bow proprietors, the 
members of the provincial government put themselves on last- 
ing record as willing to deprive the inhabitants of Rumford 
of the ministrations of religion, their children of the means of 
education, their poor of public aid and their highways of neces- 
sary repairs. 

That a respectable body of men should have been parties to 
such an act may, at this day, seem incredible, but the records 
•of the court attest the fact. The hiatus in the Rumford town 
Tecords, from March 29, 1749, to January 21, 1766, also bears 
witness to it. This sudden change of procedure, by the Bow 
proprietors, in their abandonment of the district act, seems to 
.have been a veiled attempt to force their opponents to sacri- 
fice their cause, by acknowledging themselves citizens of the 
town of Bow. But they entirely underestimated both the 
spirit and the power of endurance possessed by this isolated 
little community in the wilderness. The ruse did not succeed. 

This action of the proprietors of Bow against John Merrill, 
before mentioned, as entered in 1749, at the December term 
of the common pleas, was continued to the one succeeding, 2 
(March, 1749-50) at which judgment was rendered for the 
defendant and the plaintiffs took an appeal to the next superior 
•court, where pleas of abatement were waived, and, by agree- 
ment of parties, the case was continued to the February, 1749- 
1750 term, when neither party appearing the case was dis- 
missed. 8 

1 N. H. Prov. Papers, Vol. VI, /. 2. Also Moore's Annals of Concord,/. 86T 
* C. C. P. Rec, Vol., 1745-1750,/. 436. s S. C. Rec. Vol. B,/. 129. 


Why it was abandoned does not appear ; but it does 
appear that a second action by the same plaintiffs against the 
same defendant was entered at the December (1750) term of 
the common pleas, wherein they demand of the defendant 
eight acres of land, a part of his homestead, and situated at 
the south end of Main street. 

This action was continued at the defendant's request, that he 
might vouch in his warrantor of a part of the premises de- 
manded, 1 to the March term of 175 1, when judgment was ren- 
dered for the defendant and the plaintiff appealed to the next 
superior court. 2 Here, by repeated continuances, the case 
was carried to the 1752 December term, when it was tried and 
judgment rendered, "That the former judgment be reversed, 
and that the plaintiffs recover against the defendant the 
premises sued for and costs of courts.*' * 

At the next term (February, 1752) John Merrill brought an 
action of review against the proprietors of Bow. Here the jury 
found for the defendants and judgment was rendered that 
"The former judgment be and is hereby affirmed, and that the 
said proprietors recover against the said John Merrill costs of 

court " Thereupon, " The said John Merrill 

moved for an appeal from this judgment to His Majesty in 
Council, which motion was rejected for that the premises for 
which the above mentioned suit is prosecuted is not in law 
of sufficient value for which an appeal may be granted. Then 
the said Merrill also moved for an appeal to the Governor 
and Council as a Court of appeals, which motion was also 
rejected, for the reason alleged against granting the appeal 
moved for to His Majesty in Council." 4 

Pari passu with these actions against John Merrill, various 
others of a like character were prosecuted by, or in the interest 
of, the Bow proprietors, against his neighbors, and, almost 
uniformly, to their discomfiture. Such results convinced the 

iC. C. P. Rec, Vol. 1 745-1 750, /. 603. 2 C. C. P. Rec.,Vol. 1745-1750, /. 630. 

aS. C. Rec, Vol. B,'//. 267-268. 

«S. C. Rec, Vol. B,//. 171-381. At this time the provincial law allowed no appeal 
to the governor and council unless the matter in controversy exceeded in value one 
hundred pounds, nor to the king in council unless it exceeded three hundred pounds- 
N. H. Acts and Laws, 1696-1725,//. 5 and 6. 


Rumford proprietors that they could expect no relief in the 
provincial courts, and raised grave questions for their con- 
sideration. Why, asked they, if the Bow proprietors claim, 
as they do, nearly the whole of our township, comprising an 
area of nearly thirty thousand acres, do they persist in perse- 
cuting us with multifarious suits for the recovery of petty 
pieces of land of eight acres, more or less ? Why do they not 
by a single action, in a court of whose favorable judgment they 
are sure, test at once the validity of their claim and thereby 
end this disquieting controversy ? 

To these inquiries, true answers were found in the denials 
of the appeals just mentioned, which exposed their purpose to 
prevent all recourse to the higher courts of England and to 
harry the occupants of Rumford lands out of their possession. 
Possibly and perhaps unwittingly, the provincial governor, now 
the most conspicuous personage among the Bow proprietors, 
was seeking elementary knowledge, in addition to what he 
already had, as to the best way of appropriating to himself 
land to which he had no undoubted title ; knowledge which 
proved of exceeding value, when, as before stated, he subse- 
quently came to make the town grants in Vermont before men- 

But the motives of the Bow proprietors were of less interest 
to the occupants of the Rumford farms than the determination 
of their own future course of action. At his appointment of 
the boundary commissions, the king had said that the deter- 
mination of the boundary line should not affect the ownership 
of private property. That he would still say so, and quiet 
them in their possessions, they were confident, could the mat- 
ter be fairly brought to his consideration. They also believed 
that the rules of procedure in the high tribunal of his Majesty 
in Council, would not be restricted by a provincial statute 
when, in reality, the issue raised involved not only the title to 
John Merrill's eight acres, but to that of the whole township 
of Rumford ; and that this tribunal would allow the considera- 
tion of all questions germane to the case. 

At the same time, they realized that the Court of St. 
James was three thousand miles away, and that the expense 

2 7 8 


incident to an appeal would heavily encumber their slender 
estates. Should they prosecute it, notwithstanding these 
objections? Eleven months before they had voted in pro- 
prietary meeting, 1 in rugged Saxon English, " Liberty to the 
Proprietors 1 Committee to sell such of the common land as they 
think proper, to raise money to pay the Proprietors' debts and 
carry on the Law Suits." Should they carry their case to his 
Majesty in Council by petition, if prevented from so doing by 

Their minister, an all-round man of broad views, said, delib- 
erately, yes. Col. Benjamin Rolfe, their squire and only cap- 
italist, formerly a clerk of the boundary commission and a 
man of affairs, slowly said yes. Capt. Ebenezer Eastman, 
who, some eight years before, had commanded a company at 
Louisburg, and helped to obtain victory where defeat only was 
legitimate, doubtless said yes. So, too, Capt. John Chandler, 
whose scouting experiences had rendered the mazes of the 
Penny Cook woods as familiar to him as the path from his back 
door to his barn, must have said yes. The matrons of the 
town, Spartans every one, said yes. And Massachusetts Bay, 
the dear old mother of them all, through the voice of her gen- 
eral court, said yes, and accompanied her declaration with the 
gift of one hundred pounds in furtherance of their purpose. 

In accordance with this sentiment the proprietors of Rumford 
instructed, Febuary 12, 1755, the Rev. Timothy Walker and 
Col. Benjamin Rolfe to draft, sign, and present in their behalf, 
to His Majesty in Council, a petition setting forth their griev- 
ances, and asking relief therefrom. This seems to have been 
prepared by Mr. Walker, as indicated by the statement of Dr. 
Bouton and by rough drafts of papers in his handwriting now 
preserved. As this presents in clear detail the existing state 
of affairs at Rumford it is here introduced. 2 

" To the King's Most Majesty in Council: 

"The petition of Benjamin Rolfe, Esq., and Timothy Walker, 
Clerk, inhabitants of a town called Rumford, in the Province 
of New Hampshire, in New England, for themselves, and in 

1 Prop. Rec, Vol. III,/. 203. ' 

* Bouton's Hist. Concord,//. 214, 216; Walker Papers, Vol. I,/. 27. 


behalf and at the request of the other inhabitants of said town 
most humbly sheweth — 

"That the lands contained in said town were granted by the 
government of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, in the 
year 1725, and were supposed, according to the construction 
of the Massachusetts Charter and the determination of His 
Majesty King Charles the Second, in 1667, to lay wholly 
within the said Province, though bounded on New Hampshire, 
seeing no part of said lands extended more than three Miles 
beyond the river Merrimack towards New Hampshire. Your 
petitioners and their predecessors very soon engaged in bring- 
ing forward the settlement of the above granted lands, though 
in the midst of the Indian country, and near thirty miles 
beyond any English plantation, and have defended themselves 
more at their own cost than at the charge of the public, 
through the late war with y e French and Indians ; and from a 
perfect wilderness, where not one acre of land had ever been 
improved, they have a considerable town consisting of more 
than eighty houses, and as many good farms ; and your humble 
petitioner, Timothy Walker, was regularly ordained the min- 
ister of the church and parish in said town, in the year 1730, 
and has continued there ever since. 

"Your petitioners beg leave further to represent to your 
Majesty, that at the time of the aforesaid grant they had no 
apprehension that their bounds would ever be controverted by 
the Province of New Hampshire. Soon after the aforesaid 
determination, your petitioners made their humble application 
to your Majesty in Council, that they might be restored to 
your Province of the Massachusetts Bay which your Majesty 
was pleased to disallow; but your humble petitioners have 
dutifully submitted to the government of your Majesty's Prov- 
ince of New Hampshire ever since they have been under it, 
and with so much the greater cheerfulness, because they were 
well informed your Majesty had been graciously pleased to 
declare that however the jurisdiction of the two governments 
might be altered, yet that private property should not be 
affected thereby. 

" But notwithstanding your Majesty's most gracious declara- 


tion, your poor petitioners have for several years past been 
grievously harassed by divers persons under color of a grant 
made by the government and council of New Hampshire in 
the year 1727, to sundry persons and their successors, now 
called the Proprietors of Bow. 

"Your petitioners further humbly represent that the said 
grant of Bow was not only posterior to that of Rumford, but is 
likewise extremely vague and uncertain as to bounds, and its 
being very doubtful whether it was the intent of the Governor 
and Council of New Hampshire that it should infringe upon 
the Massachusetts grant of Rumford ; and notwithstanding 
the grant of Bow has now been made so many years, there are 
but three or four families settled upon it, and those since the 
end of the late French war ; the proprietors choosing rather 
to distress your petitioners by forcing them out of the valuable 
improvements they and their predecessors have made at the 
expense of their blood and treasure, than to be at the charge 
of making any themselves. But your petitioners' greatest mis- 
fortune is, that they cannot have a fair, impartial trial, for that 
the Governor and most of y e Council are proprietors of Bow, 
and by them not only y e judges are appointed, but also y° offi- 
cers that empannel y e jury, and the people also are generally 
disaffected to your petitioners on account of their deriving 
their titles from the Massachusetts ; and all the actions that 
have hitherto been brought, are of small value, and, as your 
petitioners aprehend, designed so, that by a law of the Prov- 
ince, there can be no appeal from the judgments of the courts 
to your Majesty in Council ; and if it were otherwise the 
charges that would attend such appeals would be greater than 
the value of the land, or than the party defending his title 
would be able to pay ; and without your Majesty's gracious 
interposition your petitioners must be compelled to give up 
their estates, contrary to your Majesty's interposition in their 

"Your petitioners further beg leave to represent, that, while 
they were under the government of Massachusetts Bay, they 
enjoyed town privileges by an act specially made for that pur- 
pose in the year 1733, and expressly approved by your^lajesty 


in the year 1737 ; but the utmost that they could obtain since 
being under New Hampshire has been the erecting them into 
a district for a short term only; which term having expired 
near four years ago, they have been without any town privi- 
leges ever since, notwithstanding their repeated applications to 
the Governor and Council ; and they are not able to raise any 
money for the support of their minister, and, the necessary 
charges of their school and poor, and other purposes ; nor 
have they had any town officers for the upholding government 
and order, as in all other towns in both the Provinces of New 
Hampshire and the Massachusetts Bay usually have. Under 
these our distresses we make our most humble application to 
your Majesty, the common father of your subjects, however 
remote, entreating your gracious interposition in our behalf ; 
and that your Majesty would be pleased to appoint disinter- 
ested judicious persons to hear and determine our cause, that 
so we may have a fair and impartial trial, and that the expense 
which must otherwise attend the multiplied lawsuits, as they 
are now managed, may be prevented or that your Majesty 
would be pleased to grant us such other relief as to your great 
wisdom and goodness shall seem meet ; and your most humble 
petitioners, as in duty bound shall ever pray." 

With this and a statement of the case prepared by Judge 
Pickering, detailing with great lucidity and legal acumen the 
state of their cause, 1 Mr. Walker left for London in the autumn 
of 1753. He also took with him letters of introduction from 
the New Hampshire convention of ministers, of which he was 
a member, from the Rev. Dr. Jonathan Mayhew of Boston to 
his friend, Dr. George Benson of London, and quite likely 
from some others. 2 Soon after his arrival he received valua- 
ble attentions from Mr. Kilby, an eminent Boston merchant, 
then in London. 

He departed under trying circumstances. Another French 
and Indian war was just breaking out. He left behind him 
his pulpit, his people, and his family. The ship in which he 
sailed was not a modern ocean greyhound, and the voyage 

1 Moore's Annals of Concord, /. 98. 

» N. H. Hist. Soc. Col., Vol. IX, /. 23 ; Bradford's Life of Mayhew, /. 130T 


before him was not one of six days but of six weeks. He 
was, however, in the prime of life, sustained by a noble pur- 
pose, and willing, in the language of St. Paul, " to endure 
hardness " in the cause of a people to the promotion of whose 
welfare he had consecrated his life. 

His going was not unobserved. On the first day of Feb- 
ruary, 1754, the council and assembly of New Hampshire, in 
the journal of their proceedings say: "Whereas it is Repre- 
sented to this House That the Rev d M r Timothy Walker is 
gone to Great Britain as an agent in behalf of a number of 
Persons of Rumford and Suncook, 1 so called, who claim lands 
under the Government of Massachusetts Bay against others 
who claim lands under the Gov r and Council of New Hamp r . 
And whereas the said Timothy Walker may have Instructions 
from the Government of the Massachusetts Bay to manage the 
said affair, so as may affect this Province as such, therefore 
Voted That the Committee already appointed to treat with 
John Tomlinson Esq. agent for this Province at the Court of 
Great Britain, relating to the affairs of Fort Dummer, be and 
hereby are desired to write to the said agent to be upon his 
watch as to any thing of that sort that may happen and to 
write to the said Committee from time to time, if any thing 
shall arise, whereby this Government may be affected and what 
may be necessary to be done by this Government in order to 
defend themselves in the best manner they can." 2 

Mr. Walker was received in London with much kindness, 
and retained, as his counsel, Sir William Murray, already 
prominent in legal circles as a lawyer of great learning and 
eloquence, who was promoted a year or two later to the high 
position of chief justice of the King's Bench, over whose pro- 
ceedings he presided with marked ability for thirty years. He 
is best known to us as Lord Mansfield. It has been said of 
him that "when he was wrong, the faults of his reasoning were 
not easily detected ; and when he was right he was irresistible." 

With him, Mr. Walker formed a warm acquaintance which 

» The Bow proprietors also claimed more or less of the territory of Suncook, now 
Pembroke. ■"' 

1 N. H. Prov. Papers, Vol. I, /. 253. 


continued for years. The two seem to have had many like 
characteristics : they were of the same age ; Sir William was 
a Scotchman, and one of the first Anglo-American ancestors of 
Mr. Walker was of the same nationality ; both were friends of 
religious toleration, both friends of fair dealing. 

Through Sir William's aid, the shallow scheme of the Bow 
proprietors for preyenting an appeal to his Majesty in Council 
proved a failure, and a hearing before the lords of the com- 
mittee was secured. The time fixed for this (October, 1754) 
was necessarily sufficiently remote to allow due notices to be 
served upon all opposing parties in America. Not caring to 
spend this interim in London, Mr. Walker returned to Rum- 
ford, bringing hope to his neighbors, inasmuch as the king had 
been pleased to grant the appeal which the provincial court 
had denied. 

But his return to New Hampshire was for a short time only. 
He was, ere long, back in London, where he passed the winter 
of 1754-55, awaiting and making preparations for the trial of 
the cause entrusted to his care. This he expected would be 
reached some time during that period, but it did not take place 
until the following May or June. A letter l addressed to his 
brother-in-law, Rev. Joseph Burbeen of Woburn, Mass., dated 
March 27, 1755, clearly evinces his anxiety at this time for the 
safety of his friends at home, exposed, as they were, upon the 
frontier to the barbarous hostilities of the French and Indian 
war then in progress, and liable, at any moment, to be encoun- 
tered, — a frontier which they were expected to defend, not 
merely in their own interests, but also for the protection of 
their Bow assailants, actively seeking to drive them from their 
hard-earned homes. 

But doubly assailed as were the proprietors of Rumford, 
trusting to their muskets and the walls of their garrisons on 
one side, and to the justice of their cause and the protection of 

1 In this he remarks: "The fate of Europe as to peace and war remains doubtful. 
Vigorous preparations have been and still are making, but many are confident that 
matters will subside. But I expect at least that the poor frontiers in New England 
will have a troublesome summer [and] am in pain for my family as well as other 
friends exposed." Walker Papers, Vol. I, /. 4. ■ "**" 



the King in Council on the other, they tightened their belts and 
patiently awaited final results. 

On the twenty-fourth day of June, 1755, it was ordered by 
the King in Council: "That a judgment of the Superior Court 
aforesaid, recovered by the Proprietors of Bow against the said 
John, on the first tuesday of Aug 1 1753, should be reversed, 
and that the appell' be restored to what he may have lost by 
means of the said judgment, whereof the Governor and Com- 
mander in Chief of his Majesty's Province of New Hampshire, 
for the time being, and all others whom it may concern, are 
to take notice and govern themselves accordingly." 1 

Bearing this judgment of the king based upon the wrong 
laying-out of Bow, Mr. Walker returned to his people. That 
they welcomed his presence and tidings we may safely believe. 
They felt much quieted as to their titles to their homes. The 
litigation which had been so mercilessly waged against them 
was, for a time, substantially suspended ; a fact due, possibly, 
to the king's decision, but more likely to the distractions of the 
French and Indian War, which forced minor matters into abey- 
ance. Indeed, almost simultaneously with this decision of the 
king came the defeat, July 9, 1755, of the pig-headed but 
brave General Braddock and his forces, on their expedition to 
Fort du Quesne, in the first important battle of that seven 
years' struggle. The operations of the two succeeding years 
resulted in little more than a demonstration of the incapacity 
of the British commanders, particularly of the inefficient Lou- 
doun, whose name is as much a synonym of incompetency as 
is Braddock's of defeat. 

While this decision of the king may have disappointed the 
Bow proprietors, it did not wholly dishearten them. When the 
advent of General Wolfe and General Amherst had caused 
the surrender of Quebec (1759), and, in a little less than a 
year after, the capitulation of Montreal, and peace had come 
in sight, their cupidity revived. At the December (1759) 
term of the common pleas, 1 they entered a new action against 
Benjamin Rolfe, Daniel Carter, Timothy Simonds, John Evans, 

1 No mention of this judgment of the King in Council appears in the Provincial 
Court Records until May 19, 1761. S. C. Rec, Vol. D, //. 172, 173. 


John Chandler, Abraham Colby, and Abraham Kimball, for 
the Tecovery of one thousand acres of land, in the possession 
of the defendants. After one or more continuances, judgment 
was rendered for the plaintiffs, and the defendants appealed to 
the next superior court. There the case was tried and the 
judgment of the inferior court was affirmed. Thereupon, the 
defendants moved for an appeal to his Majesty in Council, 
which was allowed. 

The prosecution of this appeal was also delegated to Mr. 
Walker, who, having made such preparations as were deemed 
necessary, sailed a third time for London. Since his last visit, 
his former counsel, Sir William Murray, had been made chief 
justice of the King's Bench, with the title of Baron Mansfield, 
and he secured new counsel, in the person of Mr. William 
DeGrey, subsequently (17 71) made chief justice of the Com- 
mon Pleas. 

The case came to trial on the seventeenth of December, 
1762. In a letter to Col. Benjamin Rolfe, written six days 
afterwards, in giving an account of the trial Mr. Walker says : 

" Last friday, y e 17th, inst. we had one Tryal : have obtained 
judgement in our favor, viz : that the judgment against us 
shall be reversed : and the particulars whereof I now send you, 
so far as my memory serves. Mr. DeGrey, my Council, had pro- 
ceeded but little way in opening the cause, when L d Mansfield 
interrupted him by saying we had in our printed cases prepared 
a large field for argumentation ; that it would take two days to 
goe thro' y e whole — but he was a mind to narrow y e case ; 
that there were but two points worth insisting on, viz : y e false 
laying out of Bow, which he called a non suit, and the order 
of the king respecting private property. He began with the 
former, on which he said our former case turned, when (by the 
way) he observed, it was not as the Repp ts alledged in their 
printed case, that we were drove from every other point, Szc. 
for, in truth, there was no other point considered ; that the L ds 
not being clear as to the other point urged — merely out of 
tenderness to possession and cultivation, which, they said, in 
America was almost everything — they laid hold of that and 

1 C. C. P. Rec, Vol. for 1759,/. 119. 


determined as they did, but came to no determination upon 
the other, viz : the order of the King in Council, &c. which he 
called the great point. The first he determined soundly against 
us. I suspected from the manner of his treating it that he de- 
termined it should have no weight in the present decision, and 
therefore would hardly allow it the force it deserved. I was, 
therefore not much concerned at my Councils' submitting the 
point. L d Mansfield then said he was now come to the main 
point, viz : the order respecting private property which, he said, 
must mean in cases like ours, when both sides claimed and 
made grants, Whoever settled under a grant from either side, 
if he happened to be on the wrong side of the line when it 
came to be settled — as he was precluded from defending him- 
self by his grant^-his possession should be his title ; and in 
this case, he said that possession with a grant from Mass tft 
Bay was as good as possession with a grant from New Hamp- 
shire — 

" Mr York, y e Repp ts Council, allowed y* but alledged ours 
was not a bona Jide possession ; that we had been warned, &c. 
L d Mansfield said he had read those depositions as they were 
printed, when it appeared that Bow had chose Committees to 
waive people from trespassing, &c. (which he seemed to speak 
with a sneer) but he said the sum was this : Mass" 9 people were 
strong — and went on and settled and Bow claimed. As to 
what is possession, L d Mansfield distinguished between posses- 
sion and property. With respect to the Royal order, he said 
the words were not. private possession, but private property. 
His design most certainly was to carry y e idea of property 
further than actual improvement. The sum of what he said 
was to this effect, viz : What a man claimed under a certain 
title, part whereof, he actually improved, was his property." 1 

The report of the lords of the committee was submitted to 
his Majesty, who, on the twenty-ninth day of December, 1762, 
after considering the same, — 

"Ordered that the said judgement of this inferior Court of 
Common Pleas of the Province of New Hampshire, of the 2d. 
of September, 1760, and also the judgment of the ^Superior 
1 Walker Papers, Vol. I,/. 71. 


Court of Judicature of the 2d Tuesdayjn November, affirming 
the same, be both of them reversed and that the appellants be 
restored to what they may have lost by means of the said 
judgements ; whereof the Governor or Commander-in-chief of 
His Majesty's Province of New Hampshire, for the time being, 
and all others whom it may concern, are to take notice and 
govern themselves accordingly." * 

On the 19th day of the following May, Mr. Walker again 
reached his home on the Merrimack. 2 The claims of the pro- 
prietors of Bow having been exhaustively examined by this 
high tribunal and found untenable, it was apparent that further 
litigation would contribute nothing to their interest. While 
they might institute other actions in the subservient courts of 
the province and obtain favorable judgments, these, upon 
appeal to the home tribunals, were sure to be found as worth- 
less as they were mercenary. 8 

1 Bouton's Hist. Concord,/. 225. 

1 Diary of Hon. T. Walker for 1763. 

3 The proprietors of Rumford were greatly enheartened by this decision of the 
king incouncil and regarded it as the substantial ending of the controversy which 
had annoyed them for nearly forty years. They began to feel that the farms and the 
homes which, by hard labor, they had carved from the wilderness were their own, and 
that they might now safely anticipate the enjoyment of any improvements wh ; ch they 
should make upon them. 

Mr. Walker returned from his last visit to London on the 19th day of May, 1763, 
as stated in the text. The very next spring we find evidence of such belief on his 
part, in the following entries in his diary : 

u Sat. [April] 21. Sat out about 40 apple trees in ye Island orchard and ye Joel 

" Mon. 23. Bot 40 young apple trees of Philip Eastman. Brot ym home and sat 
ym out." 

" Tues. 24. Sat out about 60 young apple trees in ye house lot." 

" Wed. [May] 2. Sat out 8 elm trees about my house." 

Five of these elms which have extended their arms over six generations of his 
family are still enjoying a beneficent and peaceful old age. All of his apple trees 
except one, still cherished for its associations and former usefulness, have completed 
the full measure of their work and passed away. 

Col. Benjamin Kolfe, the largest land proprietor of the township, felt the same 
impulse to improve his estate. To that time he had lived in a small, one storied 
house, but Mr. Walker further says in the diary above mentioned: 

" Mon. [April] 16. Visited Col Rolfe. Pitched ye place fur his house." 

" Mon. [May] 14. Teams went to Rattle Snake Hill for rocks for Col. Rolfe." 

" Thur. 31. Colo Rolfe raised his house." 

This house is still standing (18 9) and forms a part of the structure occupieer~by 
the officers and beneficiaries of the Rolfe and Rumford Asylum. 


This second decision of the King in Council discouraged 
the proprietors of Bow as well as the provincial government, 
which, for their sake, had deprived the people of Rumford of 
town privileges for the last dozen years. The latter, doubt- 
less, began to realize that, by its course of action, it was 
acquiring a fame on both sides of the ocean as undesirable as 
its motives were mean. 

Accordingly, some year and a half later 1 (April 12, 1764), 
when Mr. Walker, in behalf of himself and his people, asked 
that they might be incorporated as a town and endowed with 
the ordinary immunities and privileges attaching thereto, his 
petition was answered by the passage of an "Act for the setting 
off a part of the Town of Bow together with some Lands adjoi?i- 
ing thereto, with the Inhabitants thereon, and making them a 
Parish [by the name of Concord], Investing them with such privi- 
leges and Immunities as Towns in this Province have and do 
Enjoy r * 

While this action seems to have indicated a virtual with- 
drawal from the long controversy by the proprietors of Bow, 
they still clamored that something should be allowed them for 
a relinquishment of their alleged rights. At the same time the 
adjoining town of Canterbury claimed that by this act a gore 
of their territory had been included within the northeastern 
limits of Concord, and the Masonian proprietors asserted that 
its northwestern lines embraced a small tract of land belong- 

While no other records of such action are known to have been preserved, other 
proprietors of the township were doubtless impelled by similar impulses to similar 
improvements of their estates. 

1 Dairies of Rev. T. Walker, p. 33. 

'This act conferred upon the citizens of Concord all the privileges and immunities 
of a town "excepting that when any of the inhabitants of the aforesaid parish shall 
have occasion to lay out any road through any of the lands that are already laid out 
and divided by the said town of Bow, application shall be for the same to the Court 
of General Quarter Sessions of the place of said province as in other cases." 

Concord was not made a town, endowed with all the privileges ordinarily given to 
towns, until Jan. 2, 1784, when the legislature passed "An Act to annex part of Can- 
terbury and Loudon to the Parish of Concord." This provided that "the Inhabitants 
of the said Gore of land, together with the inhabitants of said parish of Concord are 
invested with all the powers and enfranchised with all the rights, privileges and immu- 
nities which any town in this state holds and enjoys to hold to said inhabitants and 
their successors forever." — N. H. Acts, Vol. IV, /. 502. 


ing to them. The exact demands of each are not at hand, but 
they amounted hi the aggregate to about six hundred pounds. 

Of the equity of the demands made by Canterbury, and by 
the proprietors of Mason's patent, nothing is here asserted. 
The people of Rumford, now incorporated as "a Parish of 
Bow by the name of Concord" having had nearly twelve years 
of French and Indian warfare, and a continuous legal contro- 
versy, from the beginning of their settlement, naturally desir- 
ing peace, concluded that if the inconsiderable sum of six 
hundred pounds would save the honor of the Bow proprietors 
and satisfy the just or unjust claims of the two other claim- 
ants, they had best pay it. 

They accordingly assembled in proprietary meeting on the 
twenty-ninth day of July, 177 r, and then, — 

"Voted That M r Andrew M c Millan Esq. Mr. Abiel Chand- 
ler and Capt Thomas Stickney be a Committee to make a final 
settlement with the Proprietors of Bow, with the Proprietors of 
Mason's Patent, and with the Proprietors of Canterbury." 

"Voted that their be Six Pounds laid on Each original 
Right, to Defray the Charges in settling with the Proprietors 
■of Bow, with the Proprietors of Mason's Patent, and with the 
Proprietors of Canterbury." 

In accordance with these votes, adjustments of the claims of 
these parties were in time effected. That of the Masonian 
proprietors had been previously settled, December 30, 1770 j 1 
that of the Proprietors of Canterbury was not adjusted until 
1 78 1 ; while a final settlement with the proprietors of Bow was 
•delayed until about 1787, ending a controversy with that party 
of sixty years. 2 

It must go without saying that this Bow controversy was a 
memorable one. To a candid person reading along and 
between the lines of its history, the covetous assault of the 
proprietors of Bow, and the action in their behalf of the New 
Hampshire government, must appear in strong contrast with 
the heroic maintenance of their rights by the little community 
which they sought to rob. And when at length the issue was 

■N. H. State Papers, Vol. XXVII, //. 152-157. * 

'Prop. Records, Vol. III,/. 55. 


brought a second time before the impartial tribunal of his 
Majesty in Council, the wily John Tomlinson, New Hamp- 
shire's agent in London, found his match in the plain Yankee 
minister who had a fifth time crossed the ocean to defend 
from seizure as best he might the homes of his little flock in 
the wilderness. 

The career of Governor Benning Wentworth, the head of 
the New Hampshire government, and also of the proprietors 
of Bow, by no means a brilliant one, gained no additional 
lustre from his participation in this controversy. 

Soon after its termination of this controversy, in recogni- 
tion of the brave effort which they had made in establishing 
the legality of the Massachusetts grant of their township, that 
province gave to the proprietors of Rumford a second town- 
ship, on the Androscoggin river, in Maine. 1 To this many of 
their descendants ere long emigrated, and there planted the 
family names of the older community, and, by attaching to it 
that of their former home, perpetuated the name of Rumford,. 
a name, which, through the influence of the Bow proprietors, 
had been wrested from the cherished abode of their fathers. 

Even now, that a century and more has passed, to one con- 
versant with its history who visits this enterprising town on 
the Androscoggin, the baritone of its great wheels, mingling 
harmoniously with the deeper bass of its waterfalls, seems to 
be singing hoarse paeans in praise of the plucky efforts, so 
imperfectly detailed, which gave to the people of this younger 
Rumford so goodly a heritage. 

One would hardly look to the American colonies for exam- 
ples of governmental excellence, but were he seeking brilliant 
instances of nepotism and sharp practice he would do well to 
study that part of the provincial government of New Hamp- 
shire concurrent with our Bow controversy, upon which its 
chief, the most illustrious of the Bow proprietors, entered poor 
and retired from rich. 2 

iLapham's Hist. Rumford, Me.,//. 4-14. 

» Mr. Belknap says that "Complaints had been made in England against some of 
the American governors, and other public officers, that exorbitant fees had been 
taken for the passing of patents of land; and a proclamation had been iss*red by the 
crown and published in the colonies, threatening such persons with a removal from 


He would be interested in the adroitness, worthy of a Tally- 
rand, with which the bargain made by the assembly with John 
Tufton Mason, for the purchase by the province of the Mason- 
ian patent, was suddenly transferred to the twelve magnates of 
■commanding influence with the provincial government. 

Nor could he fail to admire the large-heartedness with which 
New Hampshire's royal governor, besides official fees of unas- 
certained amount, reserved to himself a five-hundred-acre lot, 
carefully designated on each plan by his initials " B. W.," in 
•each of the some two hundred grants of townships in New 
Hampshire and Vermont which he issued, amounting in the 
aggregate to nearly one hundred thousand acres (92,800). 

And he could not help admiring his Excellency's piety, 
evinced by his reserving in nearly all of his New Hampshire 
and Vermont town charters, " One whole share for the Incor- 
porated Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign 
Parts, One Share for a Glebe for the Church of England as by 
X,aw Established, One Share for the First Settled Minister of 
the Gospel, & One Share for the benefit of a School in said 

It may be allowable, perhaps, in closing this imperfect 
account of a memorable controversy, of very deep interest at 
the time to residents of the two provinces oft Massachusetts 
Bay and New Hampshire; and of vital consequence to the 
parties whose homes and estates were staked in the contest; 

office. Governor Wentworth was involved in this charge. . . . Certain it is, 
that such an impression was made on the minds of the ministry that a resolution was 
taken to remove him ; but the difficulties attending the stamp act caused a delay in 
the appointment of a successor. When the ferment had subsided, the attention of 
the ministry was turned to this object. John Wentworth, son of Mark Bunking 
Wentworth, and nephew of the governor, was then in England. He had appeared 
at court, as joint agent with Mrs. Trecothick in presenting the petition of the pro- 
vince against the stamp act. He had become acquainted with several families of 
high rank and of his own name in Yorkshire, and in particular with the Marquis of 
Rockingham then at the head of the ministry. By his indulgence, Mr. Wentworth 
prevaded to soften the rigor of government against his uncle. Instead of being cen- 
sured and removed from office, he was allowed opportunity to resign. 

In addition to what has been said of the superseded governor, it may be observed 
that his natural abilities were neither brilliant nor contemptible. As a private 
gentleman he was obliging and as a merchant honorable. He was generous and hos- 
pitable to his friends; but his passions were strong and his resentments^asting. 
[Belknap's History of New Hampshire, Farmer's Ed.,//. 335, 336.] 


a contest which lasted in one form and another from 1727 to* 
1787, it may be allowable, just here and now, to note three- 
important facts suggested by its recital : 

1st. That the success of many a New England town was large- 
ly due to the influence and efforts exerted in its behalf by its- 
town minister, who was generally a well-educated man and 
whose pastorate was usually a long one, not unfrequently lifelong*. 

2d. That the early towns of New England were also greatly 
indebted for their success as prosperous municipalities to- 
their town-meetings. In these, their citizens met on an 
equality, discussed all measures presented for their considera- 
tion, and went forth therefrom united and with definite pur- 
poses. But for the town ministers, most of whom were friends 
of liberty, and for the town-meetings, which were schools of 
civil government, the American Revolution would probably 
have been a failure. 

3d. That there is a grim irony in the fact that our most 
ancient municipality down by the sea, the cherished home of 
most of these Bow proprietors and governmental officials, for 
more than a century the provincial capital of New Hampshire, 
should have lost its political prestige very soon after these 
before mentioned exactions. Was it an avenging Nemesis 
which, ere long, transferred its proud distinction as the seat of 
local government to the little town on the Merrimack, whose 
fertile acres these dignitaries had, as vainly as unjustly, sought 
to appropriate? If so, paganism with all its crudities pos- 
sessed a sense of justice worthy of profound respect and 
universal praise. 

At the conclusion of the address a vote of thanks was 
tendered the speaker, and a copy of the address requested for 

Daniel C. Remich, Esq., of Littleton, Frank C. Churchill 
of Lebanon, Dr. Claudius B. Webster of Concord, Charles 
Sigourney Knox, and Rev. Howard F. Hill of Concord, were- 
elected resident members of the Society. 

Voted, 3 130 p. m., to adjourn to the call of the President. 

John C. Ordwa*, 



Concord, N. H., April 13, 1898. 

The fifth adjourned seventy-fifth annual meeting of the So- 
ciety was held in the rooms of the Society in Concord, Wed- 
nesday, April 13, 1898, at two o'clock in the afternoon, the 
President in the chair. 

An address was delivered by William F. Whitcher, A. M., 
of Maiden, Mass., on "The Beginnings of Methodist Theo- 
logical Institute in New Hampshire," at the close of which 
a vote of thanks was tendered the speaker and a copy of the 
address requested for preservation or publication. 1 

The Hon. Joseph B. Walker, Hon. Moses Humphrey, and 
President Stevens spoke briefly upon the subject so ably 
treated by the orator of the day. 

Mrs. Martha C. B. Clarke of Manchester was elected an 
active member of the Society. 

On motion of Rev. N. F. Carter voted to call the annual meet- 
ing on the day prescribed by the Constitution, for the transac- 
tion of the annual business, and another meeting a week later 
for the annual address in consequence of the speaker for the 
occasion being unable to be present on the first mentioned 

The same gentleman observed that the next annual meeting 
of the Society would be notable as the seventy-fifth anniversary 
of the organization of the Society in 1823, and suggested the 
desirability of special exercises for that day in commemora- 
tion of the event, and on motion of Hon. J. B. Walker the matter 
was referred to a special committee of three, namely, J. C. A. 
Hill, Esq., Hon. John Kimball, and Gen. Howard L. Porter. 

Voted, 3 130 p. m., to adjourn to the call of the President. 

John C. Ordway, 


^his address is published in Vol. XXVI of the Granite Monthly, p. 211. 


Concord, N. H., May n, 1898. 

The sixth adjourned seventy-fifth annual meeting of the New 
Hampshire Historical Society was held in the Society's rooms 
at Concord, May 11, 1898, at two o'clock in the afternoon, 
President Stevens in the chair. 

Rev. Charles L. Pinkham of Concord was elected a resident 
member of the Society. 

The standing committee through its chairman, J. C. A. Hill, 
asked to be relieved from any further consideration of the 
proposition for special exercises to be observed at the next 
annual meeting, and the Society voted to excuse them, and 
on motion of Rev. N. F. Carter the matter was referred to a 
special committee of three, viz., Hon. Moses Humphrey, Judge 
Sylvester Dana, and William Yeaton, Esq. 

Rev. Dr. S. H. McCollester of Marlborough was then intro- 
duced to the Society by the chair, and delivered an able 
address on " The Life and Character of Hosea Ballou, as a 
Worthy and Eminent Son of New Hampshire," x upon the con- 
clusion of which a vote of thanks, on motion of Hon. J. B. 
Walker, was tendered the speaker for his excellent address, and 
a copy of the latter requested for preservation, after which the 
meeting was adjourned to the call of the president. 

John C. Ordway, 


1 This address was printed in Vol. XXVII of the Granite Monthly, page 360. 



Hon. Henry Abbott was born in Keene, October 5, 1832, 
son of Daniel and-Polly (Brown) Abbott, and died at Winches- 
ter, February 12, 1898. He was educated in the district 
schools of his native town and in the academies at Marlow, 
Westminster, and Saxton's River. At eighteen years of age 
he was, for a short time, engaged in traveling in Virginia for a 
publishing house. He then taught school for a time at Warsaw, 
Pa., and subsequently became clerk for a lumber company at 
Ridgeway, Pa. After being there for two years, he returned 
to Keene, and became clerk in the store of Charles Bridgeman, 
later becoming a member of the firm of Nims, Gates & Abbott, 
dealers in general merchandise. At the end of a year Mr. 
Abbott sold his interest in the firm, and, going to Washington, 
D. C, entered the service of the Sanitary Commission, remain- 
ing there during the winter. In the spring he joined the Ninth 
Army Corps, under General Grant, in the " Burnside troops," 
and was placed in charge of the Sanitary corps as distributing 
war agent of the United States Sanitary Commission. At the 
end of nine months, health failing, he returned home, expect- 
ing to go back as soon as he should be able to assume his 
duties again, but during his convalescence he accepted the 
position of cashier in the Winchester National bank, which he 
ever after retained. He was trustee as well as cashier, and a 
financier whose judgment was to be respected. His services 
to the bank won for him warm encomiums for ability, and the 
confidence of the public in his entire trustworthiness was evi- 
denced by the many responsible positions he was called upon 
to fill. Ever after he first went to Winchester, Mr. Abbot^took 
as keen an interest in the welfare of the town as if he had been 



born there. He was town treasurer for over thirty years and 
moderator for eleven years, successively, a longer period of 
service in that position than that of any other citizen of the 
town. A zealous Republican, he served as chairman of the 
Executive Committee, and was a member of the Constitutional 
Convention of 1890. He attended other conventions, both 
county and state, without number. He was chairman of the 
High School Board for the first three years after its organization,. 
and in 1869 anc * * n '870 he represented Winchester in the 
legislature. In 1873 and in 1874 he was in the state senate. 
He was an indefatigable worker, and by his able efforts helped 
to secure the passage of several important bills. Mr. Abbott 
was a representative of a number of well-known insurance 

In extemporaneous speech-making he was original and ready, 
and as a stump speaker took part in every presidential cam- 
paign from Lincoln's first to McKinley's. He also delivered 
a number of memorial addresses, some of which have been 
printed. Among them may be mentioned a very able address 
delivered at the dedication of a monument in the Surry burying- 
ground to Captain Thomas Harvey, a Revolutionary patriot 
and an ancestor of Mr. Abbott, and the one made upon the 
occasion of the presentation of a library to the town of Ux- 
bridge, Mass., erected in memory of the father and mother of 
President Thayer. When memorial services in honor of Lin- 
coln, and also of Grant, were held in Winchester, Mr. Abbott 

He was one of the organizers of the New Hampshire Club, 
which meets in Boston. He was for a time the only member 
from Cheshire county. The town library, built at a cost of 
$15,000, was erected largely through his efforts and those of 
a few other interested persons. He was an active Mason, a 
member of Philesian lodge, and its master many years ; also a 
member of the chapter and commandery at Keene. He was 
elected a member of this Society, January 7, 1885. 

Mr. Abbott married Harriet M. Crane, who died in August, 
1888. He is survived by his two daughters. 








A. P. Carpenter. 



Hon. A. P. Carpenter, chief justice of New Hampshire, who- 
died at Concord, May 21, 1898, was deservedly classed among 
the most learned and accomplished jurists of the Granite state 
in the past quarter of a century. He was the son of Isaiah 
and Caroline (Bugbee) Carpenter, born at Waterford, Vt., Jan- 
uary 28, 1829. He fitted for college at St. Johnsbury, Vt., 
graduated at Williams college in 1849, and received the de- 
gree of LL. D. from Dartmouth in 1896, and from Williams.. 
He studied law at Bath and was admitted to the bar at Haver- 
hill, April 20. 1853. He was engaged in practice at Bath until 
September 1, 188 1, the date of his appointment to the Supreme 
Court, and subsequently removed to Concord. Meantime he 
was a member of the firm of Goodatl & Carpenter from June 
*> I %S3i to June 1, 1856. In the later years of his practice his 
son, General Philip Carpenter, now of New York, was associ- 
ated with him. He was solicitor of Grafton county from 1863 
to 1873. He married Julia R. Goodall, November 2, 1853. 
Their children, Lilian, wife of Gen. Frank S. Streeter, Philip, 
Arthur H., an attorney, now deceased, Edith (Mrs. Thomas),, 
the well-known author, also now deceased, and Helen, were all 
born at Bath. 

Judge Carpenter was of the rugged Connecticut stock. The 
strong character of his ancestry was manifested in the signifi- 
cant action of his father in sending this son to college at 
Williamstown under Mark Hopkins, rather than to Dartmouth 
under Nathan Lord, because the doctrines of the latter were 
antagonistic to the settled convictions of the sturdy Ver- 

Bath, where Judge Carpenter located in the practice of his 
profession, was a small New England village, but it was a 
community of marked intellectuality. Judge Carpenter here 
developed those qualities which eventually placed him easily 
in the first rank of his profession. Pie was always a lawyer, 
and he permitted nothing to interfere materially with his pro- 
fessional work. . He was keen, alert, studious, indefatigable, 
and courageous. He was intensely practical in the manage- 


ment of cases. He always regarded business policy in the 
interests of his clients, but never neglected anything that was 
essential to an honest and thorough presentation and trial in 
court. He excelled in the preparation and presentation of 
facts, in the management of witnesses before the jury, and in 
dealing with issues of law. He seldom assumed the role of a 
jury advocate, but in arguments before a law court he was the 
peer of any lawyer in New England. 

His political affiliations and convictions were with the Whigs 
in his early life, and upon the organization of the Republican 
party he espoused its principles and generally supported its 
candidates. He never allowed himself to be regarded as a 
thick-and-thin endorser of party nominations, good, bad, and 
indifferent. He supported Mr. Greeley in 1872, but otherwise 
probably acted with the Republican party on all important 
occasions in state and national issues, yet not without exercis- 
ing considerable freedom in his comments on party policy, and 
in voting for individual candidates. 

His appointment to the bench by Governor Bell in 1881 was 
one of those results which are in accordance with the inevitable 
logic of events. His associates in the court at once found that 
a legal mind of the highest class had come among them. His 
accomplishments were conspicuous, both as regards the funda- 
mental principles of the law and in the collateral learning 
which has adorned his legal productions. He was familiar 
with the best literature of the ancient and modern classics in 
various languages. In other directions where modern scholar- 
ship attracts the learned he was an exact and diligent student. 
He was of firm and settled convictions, — one to be reckoned 
with as a force in judicial administration and judicial prog- 
ress. His acumen, his learning, his independence, and his 
character are conspicuous in the luminous series of affirmative 
and dissenting opinions which he contributed to the literature 
Of the case law in the seventeen years in which he served the 
state in its highest judicial court. 

Judge Carpenter's name was prominently mentioned in con- 
nection with the vacancy on the bench of the United States 
circuit court, occasioned by the resignation of Judge John 


Lowell in the spring of 1884. His appointment was then 
urged with great vigor and enthusiasm by the entire bar of New 
Hampshire, an influential part of the bar of Suffolk county, 
Mass., and senators and representatives in congress from his 
.own and other states. 

He was appointed chief justice, April 1, 1896, to succeed 
Chief Justice Doe. In comparison with the intense radicalism 
of Judge Doe, his most distinguished associate, Judge Carpenter 
will be regarded as a conservative ; but in his broad and pro- 
gressive views and conduct, in the adaptation of legal adju- 
dication to the requirements of a progressive age, Judge 
Carpenter's work will command the approval of the best 
intelligence of the jurists of his own time and of the future. 
At no period within a century has the court encountered more 
far-reaching issues, adjudicated more ably contested causes, or 
dealt with contestants more potent in counsel, management, or 
resources than those which have made the past twenty years 
memorable in our judicial annals. This court has met every 
occasion with superior learning and discretion, and with a 
steady hand and wise judgment has marked the line of law for 
great corporations and great political parties with that cour- 
ageous impartiality to which all must in right and reason be 
subject before the law. That the best years of Judge Carpen- 
ter's life contributed in such large measure to make this period 
an epoch in the judicial history of the state will be his most 
enduring monument. He became a member of this Society, 
June 14, 1893. a. s. b. 


Herbert \V. Eastman was born in Lowell, Mass., Nov. 3, 
1857, where he attended the public schools until 1870, when 
he was employed in a large Boston wholesale and retail store. 
In 1873 he went to Manchester and attended the Lincoln 
street grammar school, graduating in 1874. He was then em- 
ployed in the- Mirror office. In 1875 ne commenced work on 
the Union, serving in all departments from the lower round of 
the ladder to the top. In January, 1881, he resigned the city 


•editorship because of ill health. He then engaged in the job 
printing business with Frank H. Challis. In 1884 he became 
-city editor of the Budget, while Kendall & Ladd were the pub- 
lishers. In 1887, in company with F. H. Challis, he purchased 
the Budget, and the two started the Daily Press in 1888. In 
1889 he sold out to his partner. In 1891 he was chosen assist- 
ant secretary of the board of trade. In May, 1891, he was 
unanimously elected secretary of the board, and re-elected 
-every year after till his death. He was also secretary of the 
New Hampshire Board of Trade, and publisher of the Queen 
City Journal, a. weekly board of trade paper. His death 
■occurred Jan. 10, 1898. 

The deceased was a past grand of Wildey lodge, a member 
-of Mt. Washington lodge, I. O. O. F., Arbutus lodge, D. of R., 
Hillsborough council, O. of U. F., Amoskeag grange, P. of H., 
-ex-president Manchester Press club, ex-treasurer Coon club, 
secretary Manchester Historic association, member Calumet 
•club, president Manchester Cadet Veteran association, and 
attended the Unitarian church. He was elected a member of 
the N. H. Historical Society Feb. 13, 1896. 

He was married to Nellie Clough Eaton, daughter of George 
E. and Lucinda (French) Eaton of Candia, Jan. 9, 1890, who 
survives him. 

The last chapter of his life-work was the publication of a 
book comprising the history of Manchester's recent semi-cen- 
tennial celebration. 

Herbert W. Eastman was the soul of personal honor, the 
personification of integrity, even tempered, uniformly genial 
and courteous, progressive, and liberal minded. As a friend 
he was as true as a mariner's compass, a model husband, and 
an exemplary citizen who will be deeply mourned and sadly 


Mr. Odlin was born in Concord. March 19, 18 10, and died 
Feb. 22, 1898. He was the son of John and Mary (Sjickney) 
Odlin. The house in which he first saw the light stood on 


V- j yp<r Eg 



the same site as that in which he breathed his last, at 186 
North Main street. 

Mr. Odlin's education was that only which the common 
schools of the town affordtd. Upon leaving school he was 
apprenticed to the late Poter Blanchard, and served the full 
time necessary for learning :he trade of a cabinet-maker. This 
trade was not to his taste, however, which at that time was of 
a somewhat undisciplined character, and he promptly aban- 
doned the occupation, tak:i^ up for the time being, as half 
play and half work, the manjfacture of pipe organs. His nat- 
ural musical gifts and his refined taste, together with his me- 
chanical training, fitted hissi especially, as he thought, for a 
business of that character, md he built two instruments, the 
first of which was unsatisfactory; the second was a measurable 
success, and was long an :::eresting part of the furnishings of 
his own home. But this con genial and fascinating occupation 
was soon abandoned for a more lucrative position as clerk in 
the general store of Nathaniel Oilman of Exeter. After a few 
uneventful years with Mr. Giman,he returned to Concord, and 
in company with Dudley S. Palmer, published the New Hamp- 
shire Courier for a brief period. The grocery business next 
engaged his attention, and Eie made his first entry in trade on 
the site where Chase's block now stands, then at the corner of 
North Main and Bridge streets, and, finally, with W. P. Hardy, 
in the corner store of the Muonic Temple building. This busi- 
ness was eventually sold b} Hr. Odlin and Mr. Hardy to J. Frank 
Hoit. In September, 1862. tie was appointed assistant assessor 
of internal revenue for the _ on cord district, and held the posi- 
tion for several years, until x consolidation of the three reve- 
nue offices into one. He wta a director in the old Union bank, 
long since extinct ; and the arst cashier of the First National 
bank of Concord. From tie time of its organization until his 
death he was a trustee of tbs Merrimack County Savings bank. 
He was one of the most *nthusiastic members of the New 
Hampshire Historical Sociity, having become a member June 
12, 1872. The only politusl office he ever held was that of 
city treasurer, from 1855 to <S6o. He was a Republican from 
the birth of the party. He belonged to the old Hand Engine 


Company Number One, and was an honorary member of the 
Veteran Firemen. He belonged to no secret orders. 

Mr. Odlin is survived by one son, Arthur Fuller, judge of 
the Court of First Instance, Manila, Philippine Islands ; by two 
daughters, Mrs. Elizabeth O. Rice of Norfolk, Va., and Mrs. 
Mary Frances Barron of Concord, and by several grandchildren. 

While Mr. Odlin was unpretentious to a degree, he was, as 
a citizen, always an important factor in the business life of 
Concord. For almost ninety years he walked these streets, 
always a marked figure in resorts of trade, always met with 
kindly greetings, always listened to with respectful attention • 
and in many cases his advice in important financial and civic 
affairs proved of inestimable value to younger and inexpe- 
rienced men. He was one of the "characters" of Concord. 
He was like no other man. His ways of thought and speech 
and action were his ways — original, unique, epigrammatic. 
Sayings of his — wise and witty comments on men and on cur- 
rent public events, and on local and neighborhood and per- 
sonal happenings — were repeated from a thousand tongues. 
He was a magazine of facts, historical and local, social and 
biographical, and an occasional hour with him and his stories 
and illustrations of character, all drawn from his personal 
knowledge of things and of men, was a treat that one would 
not care to miss. He linked in himself the past and present 
of his native city, and his recollections were of great value in 
preserving local history and ancient landmarks. He was es- 
pecially social, not so much a visitor as an entertainer. His 
friends were always warmly welcomed. 

Mr. Odlin in belief was a Unitarian, and was, at his death, 
the oldest member of the local society of that denomination. 
He was a constant and appreciative attendant on its services, 
and one of its whole-hearted supporters. He was intensely in- 
terested in its music, and for several years his oldest daughter 
was a member of its choir, and his oldest son, since deceased, 
the organist. The fullest tolerance of the religious beliefs of 
others was one of his most marked and beautiful character- 
istics ; hence he lived in religious harmony with all good men. 
His friends were as numerous as his neighbors and acquaint- 


ances, and his friendships were as staunch as his physical and 
mental malce-up. One of his cherished companions was Mr. 
John Kimball ; the two men occupied desks in the same room 
from 1862 to the date of his death in 1898 — hail-fellows always, 
and he made his lifelong friend the executor of his will. 

Mr. Odlin was a. citizen of unblemished reputation, public- 
spirited, loyal and true to his country, his church, and his 
friends, and a man of sterling integrity. e. a. j. 


William S. Stevens, late of Dover, was born June 21, 18 16, 
in Canterbury, N. H. His parents were Edmund and Betsey 
(Shepherd) Stevens. He was the only son of his parents, and 
had one sister. His childhood was passed amid the scenes of 
farm life, and his early education was obtained in the common 
schools of Canterbury. At the age of fourteen he became a 
clerk in the village store. After serving long enough in the 
rudimentary ways of business to demonstrate his fitness for such 
tasks, he spent one year each in the academies of Pembroke and 
Gilmanton. He was contemplating entering the New Hampton 
Literary Institute, when he was invited to take charge of a school 
in Kingston, where he taught for one year. His next move 
was in the direction of business again. After serving one year 
as traveling salesman for the Platform Scale Company, he 
bought an interest in the business and continued as traveling 
agent for the firm several years longer. His connection with 
the Scale company covered a period of about six years. Mr. 
Stevens then purchased a sawmill in Milton, N. H., where he 
spent three years in the lumber business. From Milton he 
went to Ossipee Centre, where during a period of ten years he 
was engaged in general mercantile business. 

In 1847, ^ r - Stevens removed to Dover, where he lived and 
prospered for half a century. For three years he carried on a 
wholesale trade in groceries, following which he entered into 
partnership with ]>enjamin Wiggin in the purchase and carry- 
ing on of the Dover Glue Works. In 1852 other industries 
were added to the production of glue, and the firm became 
largely interested in the manufacture of sandpaper and garnet 


cloth. The plant was burned in 1858, and the manufacture of 
sandpaper was transferred to Maiden, Mass. 

On November 13, 1839, ^ r - Stevens was united in marriage 
with Miss Mary Jewett, daughter of Nathaniel Jewett. Their 
only child, Everett J. Stevens, is one of the foremost business 
men of Maiden, Mass., and has served with honor as its mayor. 
After the death of his first wife, Mr. Stevens married, May 7, 
185 1, Miss Sarah V. Bangs of Dover. Four children were 
born to them : Mary E., Carrie L. (deceased), Eliza, and Annie H. 
(deceased). Being a second time a widower, Mr. Stevens mar- 
ried, February 2, 1879, Mrs. Sarah F. Chesley, who died several 
years before her husband. Mr. Stevens's death occurred April 
15, 1897, at the age of eighty-one years, nine months, and 
twenty-five days. 

William S. Stevens was one of those uncompromisingly 
honest and forceful yet finely tempered men who are too few 
among the multitudes, and who serve well the best interests of 
city and state and nation. In politics he was a loyal Republi- 
can. He was a member of the state legislature eight years, 
and was three times elected mayor of the city of Dover, serv- 
ing as its chief magistrate with marked efficiency from 1870 
until 1873. He early became associated with the more 
important financial interests of southeastern New Hampshire. 
As director and trustee of the Strafford banks, as president of 
the Strafford National bank for twenty-five years, as director 
of the Boston & Maine Railroad for twenty years, and in other 
positions of high responsibility he held the confidence and 
esteem of all. 

In religion Mr. Stevens was profoundly reverent and 
thoughtful, accepting generally the tenets which are included 
under the designation of evangelical faith, although he never 
became a member of any church. He was a generous sup- 
porter of the Christian church, and for many years up to the 
time of his death was an attendant at the First Congregational 
church in Dover. He had a peculiar love for his beautiful 
home at the foot of Garrison Hill, whose hospitality was en- 
joyed by many. He became a member of the New Hampshire 
Historical Society October 1, 1884. g. e. h. 


Concord, N. H., Wednesday, June 8, 1898. 

The seventy-sixth annual meeting of the New Hampshire 
Historical Society was held in the rooms of the Society at 
Concord, Wednesday, June 8, 1898, at eleven o'clock in the 
forenoon, about thirty-five members being in attendance. 

The meeting was called to order at eleven o'clock, President 
Stevens in the chair. 

The records of the last annual meeting were read and approved. 
The reading of the records of the adjourned meetings was dis- 
pensed with on motion of J. C. A. Hill, Esq. 

The secretary made report of membership as follows : 

Whole number of members, June 9, 1897, 184 

Voted in during the year, 18, of whom 14 qualified, 14 


Died during the year, H. W. Eastman of Manchester, 
Henry Abbott of Winchester, Woodbridge Odlin, 
and Judge A. P. Carpenter of Concord, 4 

Number dropped from the rolls for non-payment of 

dues, by vote of the Society, 18 — 22 

Leaving present membership 176 

The annual reports of the treasurer and auditor, and the 
librarian, were presented and by vote accepted and ordered to 
be placed on file. The report of the treasurer is as follows : 

treasurer's report. 

Receipts credited to general income : 

Income from permanent fund, $559-74 

New members, ' 75-°° 

Assessments, 432. 00 

Books, etc., sold, 21.40 ^ 

Miscellaneous sources, 4.50 



Mortgage loans paid, 

Northern Pacific R. R. bond, 


State appropriation, 

Income from Todd fund, 






Expenditures charged to general income : 

Printing and binding, $396.87 

Fuel and water, 55-4° 

Postage, 43.65 

Insurance, 52.32 

Repairs, 53.24 

Salary, 500.00 

13 snares Concord & Montreal R. R. 


Incidental expenses, 
Books and magazines, 


212. IT 


Permanent fund, 
Current funds, 

$ .41 


To investment, 
additional gift from W. C. Todd, 





By paid for genealogical works, 

2 5-5° 


2 Iowa Loan &: Trust Co.'s debentures, $500 each, $1,000.00 
Receipt, Johnson Loan &: Trust Co., 900.00 

3 Concord Land & Water Power Co.'s bonds, $100 

each, 300.00 
2 Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Railroad bonds, 

4 per cent., $500 each, 1,000.00 
2 Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul Railroad bonds, 

6 per cent., $1,000 each, 2,000.00 

1 New York & New England R. R. bond, 7 per cent., 1,000.00 

i Little Rock & Ft. Smith R. R. bond, 7 per cent., i,eroo 00 


Mortgage loan, $1,025.00 

j; shares Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe R. R. stock, 500.00 

13 shares Concord & Montreal R. R. stock, 2,268.50 


Deposit in New Hampshire Savings bank, 1,287.55 

Cash on hand, 21.90 



a Chicago, Burlington & Quincy R. R. bond, 5 per 

cent., $500.00 

Deposit in New Hampshire Savings bank, 506.78 


I have this day examined the account of W. P. Fiske, treas- 
urer of the New Hampshire Historical Society, for the year 
■ending June 7, 1898, and find the same correctly cast and sus- 
tained by satisfactory vouchers. 

J. B. Walker, 

Concord, N. H., June 8, 1898. 

The report of the librarian is as follows : 

librarian's report. 

Concord, N. H., June 8, 1898. 

To the Members of the New Hampshire Historical Society : 

In presenting my annual statement of the condition of our 
library I am happy to report commendable progress towards 
putting it into such shape as will make its entire contents avail- 
able to its many patrons as need may require. Among the 
things accomplished during the year we would note the mount- 
ing on stiff paper board of nearly 200 maps, plans of towns, charts, 
and the like, numbered, catalogued, and filed in case and drawers, 
for use at a moment's notice; the canvassing and cataloguing 
of the Society's large number of registers and almanacs, polit- 
ical pamphlets, and classified sermons, rendering them easily 
accessible. The six volumes of the Old North cemetery in- 
scriptions have been indexed. The classification and boxing 
-of the manuscripts in the vault approach completion. The 
•desk presented to the Society by the South church has been 



reduced in size and made available for those who address us, 
as you will see. A new case has been made for the vault to 
hold our larger mounted charts and maps. During the present 
season it is expected the general classification of the library 
will be finished. The large amount of routine work rendered 
necessary by rapid accumulations makes progress slower than 
we could wish. Patience and perseverance, however, will soon 
bring the end. Two dozen folding chairs have been purchased 
to give better facilities for seating at our meetings. 

The accessions to the library during the year, exclusive of 
periodicals, have been 2,836, of which 892 were bound volumes. 
One hundred and five volumes have been bound, making a 
total addition of 997 to the bound volumes of the library. Add- 
ing these to the bound volumes in the library as reported last 
year, we have a total of 14,273. 

One hundred and thirty-nine volumes were purchased during 
the year, including the Century Dictionary in ten volumes. 

By vote of the General Association of Congregationalists in 
New Hampshire, 1,088 pamphlets have been deposited by Rev. 
S. L. Gerould, its secretary. These have been duly cata- 

The donors to the library during the year, with the number 
of books and pamphlets given by each, is as follows: 


Abbott, Miss Frances M., 
Aiken, Rev. E. J., 
Allen, Daniel C, 
Allen, George H., 
Ames, C. C. A., 
Anderson, Rev. Wilbert L. 
Austin, John O., 
Austin, Josephine, 
Ayer, Rev. Franklin D., 
Bachelder, Nahum J., 
Baer, John W., 
Baker, Henry M., 
Balcom, George L., 
Ballas, H. H., 
Barnwell, J. G., 
Belknap, George E., 
Benton, Joseph, 
Bingham, George W., 
Bingham, Harry, 
Bistwell, Charles \Y\, 


Blake, Charlotte A., 



Blanchard, Grace, 



Blomburg, Anton, 



Brown, Francis H., 



Burleigh, R. E., 




Caldwell, Mary T., 
Calvin, Samuel, 




Carpenter, Rev. C. C, 
Carter, Edith H., 



Carter, Mrs. H. L., 



Carter, Rev. N. F., 



Chamberlain, George W., 



Chandler, William E., 



Chapin, C. N., 
Chapman, Rev. Jacob, 
Choate, W. S., 



CHley, J. P., 

Clark, Rev. Frank G., 




Cleaves, George P., ^ 



Clement, Mrs. Mary A., 




Cobb, Rev. Henry L., 
Cobb, William H., 
Cochran, Joseph A~, 
Cogswell, Mrs. Helen P., 
Coit, Joseph H., 
Comstock, John M., 
Conn, Charles, 
Cook, H. M., 
Corning, Charles R., 
Cousins, E. M., 
Coville, F. V., 
Cragg, T. W., 
'Cross, Lucy R. H., 
Cudmore, P., 
Cummings, W. H., 
Darling, C. W., 
De Wolfe, Fiske & Co., 
Dimick, Susan W., 
Dodge, James E., 
Dow, Dexter D., 
Dow, George F., 
Downing, Mary A., 
Drummond, Josiah H., 
Durrett, R. T., 
Eastman, Samuel C, 
Eddy, Mary Baker, 
Edes, Henry H., 
Elwyn, Rev. Alfred L., 
Emerson, C. F., 
Ernst, F. W., 

Farnsworlh, Frederick T., 
Farnum, Minnie, 
Farrar, Dr. Isaac, 
Ferril, W. C, 
Fiske, William P., 
Ford, W. P. & Co., 
Francis, John C, 
Gallinger, Jacob H., 
Garland, James G., 
Gerould, Rev. S. L., 
Gilmore, George C, 
Goold, Nathan, 
Gordon, Lucy A., 
Gordon, Robert M., 
Gowing, Fred, 


Green, Dr. Samuel A., 



Griffin, Mrs. Maria A. G., 



Hamilton, Henry S., 



Hardon, Charles, 



Hardy, Rev. A. C, 



Hardy, Cyrus A., 



Harmon, C. L., 



Hart, James M., 



Haskins, D. G , 



Hayes, Rutherford P., 



Hazen, Rev. Henry A., 



Hill, Joseph C. A., 



House, Rev. William, 



Hoyt, Dr. J. Elizabeth, 



Hubbard, A. S., 



Humphrey, George P., 



Hurlin, Rev. William, 


1 ' 

Jameson, Rev. E. 0., 



Kendall, Miss S. W., 



Kimball, Benjamin A., 



Kimball, Henry, 



Kimball, John, 



Langley, S. P., 



Linehan, John C, 



Livingston, Rev. William W 

•, 1 


Lorimer. Rev. Geo. C, 



Lyford, James 0., 



Mason, Perry & Co., 



McFarland, Annie A., 



McKeen, B. W., 



Meservey, Rev. A. B., 



Moore, Rev. William H., 



Moulton, Miss Fannie, 



Murkland, Rev. Charles S. 



Musgrove, R. W., 



Parsons, Charles L., 



Parvin, Newton R., 



Parvin, Theodore S., 



Patterson, Samuel F., 



Peabody, Dr. Leonard W., 



Pearson, E. N., 281 


Peaslee, Charles C, 



Pettee, Horace, 



Philbrook, Frederick B., 



Porter, Gen. Fitz John, *" 




Pratt, Franklin S., 
Putnam, J. J., 
Randall, E. O., 
Robbins, J. H., 
Roberts, James A., 
Rice, Franklin P., 
Root, Azariah S., 
Rundlett, Louis J., 
Runnels, Rev. Moses T., 
Scott, F. W., 
Sessions, William R., 
Shurtleff, A. J., 
Shultz, E. P., 
Smith, Mrs. Edmund E., 
Smith, M. G., 
Spofford, C. B., 
Staniels, Charles E., 
Stanwood, E. H., 
Stearns, Ezra S., 

American Catholic, 












Stevens, Lyman D., 



Stockwell, George A., 



Stone, George F., 



Swan, R. T., 



Swett, Charles E., 



Tarleton, C. W., 

5 2 


Tewksbury, F. H., 



Thomas, Douglas A., 



Thompson, Alexander R., 



Thurston, L. A., 



Tolles, Jason E., 



Waldron, Rev. D. W., 



Walker, B. W., 



Walker, Isaac, 



Walker, Joseph B., 



Webster, John F., 



Whitcomb & Raymond, 



Winthrop, Robert C, Jr., 




Woodbury, F. P., 










New Jersey, 



New York, 









Rhode Island, 













American Antiquarian So- 
ciety, 3 
American Philosophical So- 
ciety, 3 
Appalachian Club, 3 
Associated Charities, 1 
Atchison, etc., R. R., 1 
Bank Commissioners, 4 
Boston & Maine R. R., 1 
Boston Book Co., 2 
Boston Journal, 1 

Brooklyn Library, 
Bureau of American Re- 
Children's Aid Society, 
Cincinnati Public Library, 
Commissioner of Immigra- 
Dartmouth College, 
Drew Theological Seminary, 
Emerson School of Oratory, 
Essex Institute, 



Foreign Missionary Library, 2 
Forest Hill Cemetery Asso- 
ciation, 1 
■Government, 244 
Harvard College, 2 
Industrial Aid Society, 15 
Johns Hopkins University, 5 
Library Bureau, 
Library Company, 
Maine Genealogical Society, 
Minister of Justice, 
Mount Holyoke College, 
Museum of Natural History, 
N. H. Daughters of Revo- 
. lution, 
N. H. Society of Colonial 

New Hampton Institution, 
New York Public Library, 9 
Pequot Library, 26 

Providence Record Com- 
missioners, 2 

Phillips Exeter Academy, 1 
Smithsonian Institution, 14 

St. Louis Mechanics Libr'y, 1 
Superintendent of Docu- 
ments, 82 

Syracuse Central Library, 1 

Tufts College, 2 

Union College, 2 

University of California, 2 

University of Iowa, 2 

University of New York, 4 

University of Pennsylvania, 6 

University of Toronto, 2 

Vermont State Library, 4 

War Department, 4 

Water Department, 1 

Wellesley College, 1 

Wesleyan University, 2 

Worcester Soc. of Antiquity, 2 
Wyoming Commemorative 

Association, 5 

Yale University, 1 

The following newspapers and periodicals come regularly to 
the library : 

American Historical Review, 

America n Arch&ologisl, 

Am. Catholic Society Records, 

Book Reviews, 

Bristol Enterprise, 

Canaan Reporter, 

Church Building Quarterly, 

Contoocook Independent^ 

Dover Eiiquirer, 

Essex Antiquarian, 

Exeter Gazette, 

Exeter A T ews-Lttter, 


Iowa Historical Record, 

Knox Co. Historical Record, 


Littleton Courier, 

Maine Bugle, 

The Boston Advertiser and Boston Journal (dailies) have ajso 
been given by members of the Society. 

Meredith News, 
Mirror and Far?ner, 
Nashua Telegraph, 
N E. Genealogical and Histor- 
ical Register, 
Penn. Magazine of History, 
People and Patriot, 
Plymouth Record, 
Portsmouth Journal, 
Railroad Aden, 
R. I. Historical Record, 
Somersworth Free Press, 

Veterans' Advocate, 
Weekly News. 


During the year variable quantities of newspapers, period- 
icals, and reports have been received from 

Rev. Franklin D. Ayer, Henry Kimball, 

Rev. Wilbert L. Anderson, John Kimball, 

Samuel C. Eastman, - Mrs. Abbie M. Morse, 

Ira C. Evans, John P. Nutter, 

Rev. Samuel L. Gerould, Edward N. Pearson, 

Robert M. Gordon, Mrs. Elizabeth P. Shultz, 

Joseph C. A. Hill, Frank R. Thurston. 
Miss S. W. Kendall, 

Other gifts are as follows : 

Twenty-five mounted astronomical and physiological charts, 

Daniel C. Allen. 
Half-tone portraits of Rev. John Gile and Charles R. Morrison, 

A. S. Batchellor. 
Twenty-one music books of the Post band, Hilton Head, S. C., 

1862-65, D. Arthur Brown. 
Deeds of Abner Colby and N. H. Savings Bank to Richard 

Bradley, 1836-37, Moses H. Bradley. 
Oil portrait of Rev. Moses Kimball, pastor, Hopkinton, 1834- 

46, Mrs. Mary K. Clement. 
Original will of Nathaniel Weare, father of Meshech Weare, 

Charles R. Corning. 
Fifteen autograph letters of distinguished men, Mrs. Arthur 

Genealogical chart of the Brigham Young family, Susan Young 

Power of attorney from Thomas Flanders to John Emery, 

1768, Dr. Samuel A. Green. 
Needle book of Countess Rumford, 100 years old. 
College diplomas of William, 1799, and Horace H. Rolfe, 

1824, James Hazelton. 
Large maps of Palestine, and Merrimack county. 
Silk umbrella of Luther W. Nichols, nearly 100 years old, 

Dr. J. Elizabeth Hoyt. 
Gun carried by Thomas Brown, Ryegate, Vt., in Battle of 

Wilderness, Thomas Kiley. 
Genealogical chart of Marston family, Enoch Q. Marston. 
Copy of official correspondence, consulate, Sheffield, Eng., 

3 vols., Dr. Claudius B. Webster. 

For the first time in our history a register has been opened 
for the signature of patrons. It contains nearly 500 names. 
More than 1,100 have visited the library during the year. 


Several large maps remain to be mounted the coming year. 
Money is needed to put our large accumulation of newspapers 
ill such shape as will make them all easily accessible. When 
all the plans for the improvement of the library are carried to 
the finishing, I trust it will merit the commendation of its 

Respectfully submitted, 

N. F. Carter, 


Verbal reports were made by the Necrologist, Dr. E. E. 
Graves, J. C. A. Hill, chairman of the Standing Committee, 
and Hon. E. S. Stearns, chairman of the Publishing Commit- 
tee, the latter advocating a volume of Collections to be devoted 
entirely to sketches of the lives of heroes of the Revolutionary 
War from New Hampshire, which suggestion was received 
with favor. 

Rev. N. F. Carter for the Committee on New Members 
recommended the following, and they were formally elected by 

Hon. Hiram A. Tuttle, Pittsfield, 

Ernest A. Barney, Canaan, 

Arthur T. Cass, Tilton, 

Herbert W. Denio, Concord, 

W. G. C. Kimball, Concord. 

Hon. Joseph B. Walker presented the report of the Com- 
mittee on the Revision of the Constitution, and on motion of 
the Rev. C. L. Tappan the report of the committee was 
accepted and its recommendations adopted. 

The same gentleman moved that the revised form of consti- 
tution presented by the committee at an adjournment of the 
last annual meeting, and as read by the Secretary to-day, be 
adopted as the constitution of this Society, and the motion was 
carried unanimously, as revised. 1 

On motion of Prof. Isaac Walker of Pembroke : 

Voted, That a committee of three be appointed to nominate 
officers for the ensuing year. •" 

1 See pp. 188-193. 



And the chair appointed Prof. Isaac Walker of Pembroke, 
J. C. A. Hill and John C. Thorne of Concord. 

The Secretary presented the following communication : 

To the New Hampshire Historical Society : 

I send my check to the order of the Society for five hundred 
•dollars ($500), to be added to the like amount before given, 
making a permanent fund of one thousand dollars, the income 
of which only shall be expended for the purchase of town his- 
tories and works on genealogy for which there is now so great 
a demand. 

It is three quarters of a century since the establishment of 
the Society, and I need not state the importance of its work. 
Its published volumes are of inestimable value, and the ablest 
men of the state have been its members. Yet I cannot but 
regret that its means have been so limited. The good people 
•of the state have contributed to it generously of their wisdom, 
but scantily of their money. Wisconsin, one of the new states, 
•established a historical society when it began its statehood, 
and so well has it been aided by the state and its citizens that 
its collections have a national, if not a world-wide, reputation, 
and are the pride of the state. A new building for its use is 
in process of erection at a cost of $400,000. 

The Massachusetts Historical Society has received from its 
benevolent friends nearly $400,000 in money gifts. 

New Hampshire is one of the oldest states of the Union ; 
•was the state whose adoption of the federal constitution gave 
us our first stable government, whose history has been a noble 
•one, and all that relates to it cannot be too carefully studied 
and preserved. Cannot an effort be made to add largely to 
the funds at its disposal, and does it not deserve it? I trust, 
indeed, that it may be more liberally aided in the future and 
new vigor be imparted to its operations. 

Very respectfully, 

William C. Todd. 

Concord, N. H., May 27, 1898. 

Hon. John Kimball offered the following resolution, which 
was unanimously adopted by a rising vote : 

Resolved, That we receive and accept with sincere thanks 
the second generous gift of $500 made to the Society by Hon. 
William C. Todd ; that the letter accompanying the same be 
recorded in the Proceedings of the Society; and that said 



sum be known by the name of the " William C. Todd Fund,"" 
and set apart for the purchase oi works of history and gen- 
ealogy, as named m his letter. 

Mr. John C. Thorne offered the following resolution : 

Resolved, That the hearty thanks of the Society be tendered 
to Mrs. Mary Kimball Clement of Brandon, Vt., for her gift of 
the oil portrait of her grandfather, Rev. Moses Kimball, once 
printer in Concord, and afterwards pastor of the Congrega- 
tional church in Hopkinton from 1834 to 1S46, and the same 
be recorded in the Proceedings of the Society. 

The resolution was adopted. 

Col. John C. Linehan presented the following resolution of 
thanks, which was adopted : 

Resolved, That the thanks of this Society be extended to- 
Hon. C. R. Corning for a framed will of Nathaniel Weare ; to 
Mrs. W. G. C. Kimball for an autograph letter of Edward 
Gove, the leader of Gove's Rebellion, written in prison in 
January, 1682 ; to Mrs. Arthur Fletcher for a collection of 
autograph letters of distinguished men ; and to Dr. Claudius. 
B. Webster for a gift of valuable manuscripts. 

Voted, That the annual assessment of three dollars be levied 
upon members the ensuing year. 

On motion of Col. J. E. Pecker, 

Voted, That the observance of a field day this summer or 
fall be left with a committee to consist of the President, Secre- 
tary, and Librarian to take such action as they deem best. 

Prof. Amos Hadley presented an invitation from Mrs. 
Arthur E. Clarke of Manchester, for the Society to hold its 
field day at her home, the old General Stark residence in 
Manchester, the first Thursday in October, or at such time as. 
would suit the convenience of the Society, and the invitation 
was accepted by a rising vote and the committee requested to 
make the necessary arrangements. 

Prof. Isaac Walker, for the committee appointed to nom- 
inate a list of officers for the ensuing year, presented the fol- 
lowing. The report of the committee was accepted, ancUthe 



persons named were by vote of the Society elected to be its 
officers for the year ensuing 

Lyman D. Stevens. 

Vice-Presiden ts. 

William C. Todd, 
Albert S. Wait. 

Recording Secretary. 
John C. Ordway. 

William P. Fiske. 

Nathan F. Carter. 


Joseph B. Walker. 

Eli E. Graves. 

Standing Committee. 

Joseph C. A. Hill, 
Howard L. Porter, 
John C. Thorne. 

Library Committee. 

Amos Hadley, 
Charles L. Tappan, 
Mrs. Frances C. Stevens. 

Publishing Committee. 

Ezra S. Stearns, 

Nathan F. Carter, ^ 

Samuel C. Eastman. 






made her a. sovereign and independent state, 
lett, Whipple. 

-Thornton, Bart- 

" We have need of these clear beacon-lights to warn and guide our age, 

The great traditions of a nation's life, 

Her children's lustrous deeds with honor rife, 
Are her most precious jewels, noblest heritage, 

Time-polished jewels in her diadem." 

MEETING, OCT. 6, 1898. 

The first adjourned seventy-sixth annual meeting and field- 
day of the New Hampshire Historical Society was held at 
Manchester, Thursday, Oct. 6, 1898, by invitation of Colonel 
and Mrs. Arthur E. Clarke, the President, Secretary, and Lib- 
rarian of the Society acting as a Committee of Arrangement. 
About seventy-five members and guests were in attendance. 

The party arrived in Manchester about 1 1 o'clock in the 
forenoon, and were met at the railway station by Hon. John 
C. French, the President, and other members of the Manches- 
ter Historical Association, and were conveyed to the historic 
residence of Colonel Clark, at Stark Place at the north end of 
the city, where a reception was given by Mrs. Clarke, assisted 
by Mrs. J. N. Patterson of Concord and Mrs. John S. 
Fogg of Cambridge, Mass., both sisters of the hostess and 
daughters of the late Dr. Bouton, for many years a prominent 
member and officer of the Society. 

The opening address of welcome was made by the Hon. 
John C. French, President of the Manchester Society, and the 
response by Hon. Lyman D. Stevens, President of the State 
Society. Other addresses were made by Henry O. Herrick, 
Esq., Colonel Clarke, Hon. Joseph Kidder, and Rev. Dr. Lock- 
hart of Manchester; Hon. Joseph L. Walker and Judge 
Sylvester Dana of Concord; Hon. W. W. Bailey of Nashua; 
President Charles S. Murkland of Durham ; William C. Todd, 
Esq., of Atkinson, and others. The addresses were reminis- 
cent of Gen. John Stark and his compatriots of the 'Revolu- 
tionary period. 


The speakers generally expressed a desire that the Society 
might memorialize our state congressional delegation to hasten 
'favorable action, if possible, on the part of the national govern- 
ment for the erection of an equestrian statue of Stark, the 
hero of the battle of Bennington, in the park in Manchester 
bearing his name, commemorating his fame, and in which 
repose his mortal remains. 

After the addresses a delicious lunch was elegantly served 
in the dining-room of the hostess, an orchestra rendering 
selections during the reception and lunch. 

A brief business meeting was held at which a vote of thanks 
was tendered Colonel and Mrs. Clarke for the delightful man- 
ner in which the Society had been entertained, and to the 
President of the Manchester Association for generous courte- 
sies received. 

The following named persons were elected active members 
of the Society : 

Willis George Buxton and Abial Walker Rolfe of Penacook, 
Mr. Josiah B. Sanborn of Concord, and President Charles S. 
Murkland of Durham. 

The party afterward visited General Stark's burial-place in 
the park, and the residence of Augustus H. Stark, a great 
grandson, where are preserved many mementos of Stark and 
his family. 

Later the company were given a ride in the directors' car 
of the electric railway, visiting the new high school building, 
Derryfield park, the Amoskeag mills, and other points of 
interest. The party left Manchester homeward bound at 5 
p. m. 

The charming weather added much to the enjoyment of the 
annual outing. 

John C. Ordway, 



Regular monthly meetings of the Society (adjournments of 
the annual meeting) have been held on the second Wednes- 
day of each month from December, 1898, to May, 1899, inclu- 
sive, for the transaction of business, but more particularly for 
the delivery of addresses. 

At the meeting held Dec. 14, 1898, President Stevens in 
the chair, the Secretary being absent, Rev. N. F. Carter was 
chosen Secretary pro tern. 

Rev. D. C. Roberts, D. D., of Concord, was the orator of 
the day. His subject was " The Life and Character of Rt. 
Rev. Philander Chase, D. D., Bishop of Ohio and Illinois." 

The address was a very able one and a vote of thanks was 
tendered the speaker, and a copy of the address requested for 
preservation or publication. 1 

Hon. C. R. Corning offered the following resolutions, which 
were adopted by a unanimous vote : 

Whereas, no opportunity has been afforded the Society, 
until the meeting this day held, to express its appreciation of 
the courtesy and kindness shown to it on its last field-day 
in Manchester by Colonel and Mrs. Arthur E. Clarke, and the 
Manchester Historical Association, therefore 

Resolved, That the hearty thanks of this Society be and 
they are hereby tendered to Colonel and Mrs. Clarke, and the 
Manchester Historical Association, for the elegant and very 
enjoyable reception given the members of our Society at the 
historic homestead of Gen. John Stark, and for the tour of 
observation through the city of Manchester and the Amoskeag 
mills, under the conduct of the Manchester Historical Associa- 

Resolved, That the field-day of 1S9S was one of the most 
interesting and delightful in the experience of our Society, and 
will be remembered as the red-letter day in its history. 

Resolved, That the Secretary transmit a copy of these reso- 
lutions to Colonel and Mrs. Clarke, and to the President of 
the Manchester Historical Association. 

Adjourned at 3 p. m. 

At the meeting held Wednesday, January 11, 1899, Presi- 
dent Stevens in the chair, Rev. Lucius Waterman, D. D., of 

1 This address was printed in Vol. XXVI of the Granite Monthly, pageS5- 



Tilton, delivered an address, the subject of which was "The 
Right Reverend William Bell White Howe, late Bishop of 
South Carolina." 


I once knew a certain minister here in New Hampshire, 
who had more than the average of scholarship and of general 
culture, and withal a good deal of eloquence, but if he had 
been an apple, — with bated breath I say it of so eminent a 
man, and one who had lived long under the influence of the 
certainly uplifting scenery of our beautiful state, — I think that 
he would have been a crab apple. This excellent man did on 
one Thanksgiving day move his congregation to a devout 
gratitude that they were not as other men were, and the title 
of his discourse, which was, I believe, regarded as a "histori- 
cal sermon,'' was 


Now, my old friend, who under this attractive heading 
grouped some of his opinions and feelings about the early set- 
tlers of Massachusetts and Virginia, respectively, and indeed, 
about "the North" and "the South," in general, was, with all 
his learning, simply blind to the historical meaning of any of 
these simple-seeming but really complex terms, " Puritan," "Cav- 
alier," "Massachusetts," "Virginia," "North," or "South." 

Just to show how deeply unacquainted with the facts a stu- 
dent of history can be, I will mention at this point a pleasant 
young high school teacher whom I met one day last year, a 
thoughtful and honest youth, born and bred in a New England 
state, who assured me that he had always supposed that when 
the Southern states seceded, no Southern man had any political 
or social convictions in regard to the matters concerned, but that 
it was all "a mercantile matter," to use my young friend's own 
phrase. My reverend brother who preached the Thanksgiving 
Day sermon was not so deeply darkened as that, but he did en- 
tertain the usual impression, that to be conscientious, self-sacri- 


firing, pure of heart, unflinchingly true in word and deed, zeal- 
ous, ready to suffer and even die for the least point of what 
was held as faith or duty, was in the 16th or 17th century to 
be a Puritan, whereas the description which I have given 
applies perfectly in every syllable to the Puritans' great oppo- 
nent, the martyred Archbishop of Canterbury, William Laud. 
The theory that a severe and stubborn conscientiousness was 
distinctively a Puritan attribute dies hard. Only last month a 
magazine of such pretensions to scholarship as the Atlantic 
Monthly admitted a reference from a Californian writer "to that 
old Puritan conscience, which is still the backbone of the civil- 
ization of the republic." 

Well, what has all this to do with the late Bishop Howe ? 
Why, first, that when I recalled that sermon-title, I bethought 
me how thoroughly our people generally have been deluded 
into a certain idea about the meaning of the word "Puritan. 1 ' 
I considered how readily again they would follow my glowing 
and grateful orator in identifying the spirit of the "lost cause " 
of two hundred and fifty years ago with the spirit of another 
" lost cause " of less than forty years back, and so I had made 
up my mind (with apologies to the memory of Dr. Howe, and 
to the Muse of History) to call my hero 


A soberer second thought taught me that in the title I 
had builded wiser than at first I knew. This hero of mine — 
you will find that he really was a hero in a certain quiet and 
unexcitable fashion that takes more out of a man than a cav- 
alry charge is at all apt to — this hero who went from an 
unmixed Massachusetts ancestry, and became a South Caro- 
linian not in residence only, but in the whole make-up of his 
mind, and who then at last stood forward and led South Caro- 
lina into new views of justice and true chivalry when South 
Carolina was almost ready to stone him for his leadership, this 
man in whom two diverse strains were so happily mingled in 
the final' making of his character, was really the fine result of 
an uncommon combination of the influences that belong to, an 
earlier stock. The man was really Puritan by blood, and 


Cavalier by adoption. Whether we who read his story can 
understand rightly what these influences mean, or no, "Puritan 
Cavalier" must be his just description. 

The life of Dr. Howe falls naturally into three divisions. If 
I should ask you to remember that the first covered something 
over twenty-one years and a half, and the second a little under 
twenty-seven, and the third almost exactly twenty-three, you 
could not remember my figures, and you would have no picture 
before you. I do invite you to think of a life of seventy 
years — the actual number was between seventy-one and 
seventy-two — and to divide it into periods of twenty, thirty, 
and twenty years again. We may describe them as the periods 
of the Northern Beginnings, the Southern Adoption, and the 
Burden of the Episcopate. 


The future bishop was born in Claremont, March 31, 1823, 
the son of Rev. James Blake Howe and Mary White, his wife. 
Both parents were Massachusetts people in all their original 
belongings, but they struck deep roots into our Nqw Hampshire 
soil in a residence of more than a quarter of a century. Mr. 
Howe was rector of the Episcopal church in Claremont, having 
begun his service there as a " supply,'' after the cautious fashion 
of the times, in July, 1S18, and given such satisfaction that on 
April 13, 1 8 19, he was able to record in the Parish Register, 
" I was this day chosen Rector of Union Church, and accepted 
the Holy Office with a salary of $700 per annum." 1 Evidently 
a business-like, as well as a devout, man, — this parson from 
Massachusetts, — and in days when there was very little super- 
intendence of the Episcopalian clergy, it is greatly to his credit 
that for nearly twenty-five years he kept his Parish Register 
faithfully, "writing," the present rector of Union church tells 
me, "with a hand producing copperplate work that might well 
be reproduced for Spencerian copy-books," and not only that, 
but wrote in a sort of diary of his work, covering close on 175 
pages of the register book. I may add that Mr. Howe was dis- 
tinctly a gentleman of the old school. My good friend, Mr. 
Horace A. Brown, sometime mayor of the city of Concord, who 


was baptized by him, and still remembers him with affection 
and respect, Is my authority for the statement that even so 
late as the '40 s the Rev. James Blake Howe wore the knee- 
breeches of an elder day, and walked the streets of Claremont 
village in academic cap and gown. 

In 1820 the Episcopalian society was prosperous enough to 
buy a brick building in the rising village, about two miles 
southeast of the old church, and in the year following Mr. Will- 
iam Bell White, a merchant of Boston, adorned this new "Trin- 
ity Chapel " with two glass chandeliers. " William Bell White " 
was the name given to the Rector's little son at his baptism, 
June 1, 1823, and when we observe that the name of the child's 
mother was Mary White, and that her mother's father was 
Major William Bell, we may feel pretty sure that the William 
Bell White who gave chandeliers to the new chapel and a name 
to the new baby was the baby's uncle, the mother's own 
brother. From him must have come also Major Bell's sword, 
which passed as an heirloom to the representative of the 
church's militancy, and is preserved in the bishop's family 

But except that the boy grew up to manhood and went to the 
University of Vermont for his college course, — I have won- 
dered why there, rather than to our own Dartmouth, and have 
much suspected that there was a religious motive, — at Burling- 
ton the Episcopal church had a certain strength under sturdy 
Bishop Hopkins, who was a crank and a genius and a giant, 
while at Hanover the Episcopal church was only saved from 
being utterly despised by the fact that it was n't there, and 
could be conveniently forgotten 1 —except, I say, for these two 
facts, that he grew up, as boys do, and that he went to the 
University over at Burlington, across the mountains, a rather 

1 A very curious bit of New Hampshire history, well worthy to be judicially inves- 
tigated and set out some time by this Society, is the story of Professor H ale's 
endeavor to keep up services of the Episcopalian order in his own room at Dart- 
mouth College, and of the determination of the authorities to suppress such a piece 
of independency, ending in the abolition of the Chair of Chemistry, the removal of 
the offender being found the only way to the removal of the offense. All this burning and 
blazing quarrel had had place a very few years before the Rev. lames Blake -Kowe 
was called upon to choose a college for his son's academic training. 


tremendous journey in those days, and for the one further item, 
tnat miles he got through college, he was a delicate lad, about 
whom his friends were anxious lest he should go into a con- 
sumptive decline, I really know nothing of his youth save 
some elements of his surrounding atmosphere. But atmosphere 
does much to make a man, and I shall have a word to say 
about two matters of atmosphere affecting Mr. Howe's youth, — 
first, about his father's troubles at Claremont, and second, about 
the boy's ancestry and his title to be called a "Puritan." 

But little seems now to be known about the causes of friction 
between the Rev. James Blake Howe and the people to whom he 
had ministered for nearly twenty-five years, beyond the fact 
that at Easter, 1843, tne Society voted to dismiss him, and he 
would not be dismissed. There is a tradition that doctrinal 
troubles arose in the Congregational church and that a disaf- 
fected party came over to the Episcopalians and proceeded to 
make trouble among their new friends by trying to get the 
endowment of the old "Union Church " in "the West Part" 
transferred to "Trinity Chapel" in the village. However that 
may be, there are signs, I think, that the trouble came some- 
how from a rivalry between the two parts of the parish, in 
which the rector's sympathy went naturally to the party of the 
village, because the village plainly had a future before it, and 
in which the party of the farmers in " the West Part " was tem- 
porarily strong enough to carry things with a high hand. If it 
has not very much to do with my hero's story, it is at any rate 
a bit of New Hampshire local history that we here may well be 
interested in piecing together. 

For a while the Society had been able to employ two clergy- 
men, and then all went well. Then we come to this entry in 
the diary : 

" 1837, March 28. Easter Tuesday. At the Vestry Meeting 
it was voted not to employ an assistant minister, and Rev. Mr. 
Hoit, by invitation, went to Middlebury, Vt. It was likewise 
voted to close Union Church, and to open Trinity Chapel every 

We may trust that when " Rev. Mr. Hoit by invitation went to 
Middlebury," the "invitation" proceeded from Middlebury rather 


than from Claremont. But the resolution to close Union church 
looks like a quarrel between the two sections of the parish, 
with "first blood" for the village. There is no further record 
of any use of the old church save for Episcopal visitations, 
which still recognized it officially as the representative church 
of the parish, or for funerals, for the space of three years. But 
for April 21, 1840, we find this: "Easter Tuesday. It was 
voted by Union Church Society that the Rector should be re- 
quested to preach alternately (on Sundays) in Trinity Chapel 
and in the West Church, until the middle of November next 

That seems like a fair compromise. One wishes to think that 
the rector himself had wisdom and justice enough to suggest 
it. Certainly, if he was like his son, William, he possessed 
such qualities in an eminent degree. But two years later the 
bad example given by the village people in 1837 was followed 
by the farmers in their hour of triumph. 

" 1842, March 29. Easter Tuesday. Vestry Meeting, when 
it was voted to open the West Church every Sunday for Divine 
Service, the ensuing year.*' 

Now all farmers keep horses and can drive to church, and 
wherever the church is situated, most of them will go in that 
way. But not all village people keep horses, and it is harder 
to ask them to go two miles to church every Sunday, over a 
country road, than to ask the average farmer to go live. If 
Mr. Howe felt that this decision of 1842 was mean, and said 
so, my sympathies are entirely with Mr. Howe. But whatever 
he may have done, or said, this at any rate is the entry of the 
next year, the year that his twenty-year-old son was to come 
back a graduate from the University of Vermont: 

" 1843, April 18. Easter Tuesday. Contrary to Canon 23 
for the government of the P. E. Church in the U. S. A., the 
Society voted to dismiss me as Rector, and that my salary 
should be discontinued; accordingly, Union Church, in which 
we had had Divine Service, as per vote of said Society on 
Easter Tuesday, in the year 1842, was found closed against 
me the two Sundays immediately succeeding the aforesaid 
Vestry Meeting of April 18, 1842, in the following manner — 


door locked, but key in the lock — no preparation made for the 
due performance of Divine Service 1 — no bell rung — no persons 
assembled for worship. Such being the case, on the Sunday 
after, that is to say, on the 3d Sunday after the said Vestry 
Meeting of 1843, by virtue of the power of the keys of the 
Church, with which I was invested at my institution as Rector, 
I opened Trinity Chapel, and have continued ever since, on 
every Sunday, so to do. And blessed be the Great Head of 
the Church, we have good congregations and quite large com- 

Mr. Howe was quite right as to his view of the law of the 
Episcopal church. It has been settled by the civil courts of 
state after state that in that denomination the rector of a 
parish, duly called and settled, cannot be dismissed, nor his 
salary withheld, or even reduced, by his congregation or ves- 
try, without his own consent. But the situation had become 
quite impossible, and three months later we are relieved to 
read of a settlement by authority. 

" 1843, Aug. 4 tn - The Standing Committee of this Diocese 
(there being no Bishop) recommended that I should resign the 
Rectorship of Union Church, and for so doing s d Union 
Church should pay me $1,000.00 by instalments of $250.00 for 
four successive years, — the times of s cl payments to be made 
on the 4th day of August of each year. 

" In compliance with the aforesaid recommendation, with 
the conditions thereunto annexed, I have tendered to the 
Wardens of Union Church, and they have received, my resig- 

There is what I should call a conspicuous quietness in 
these extracts from the Rev. James Blake Howe's record. 
One cannot fail to read between the lines. One feels that 
there was an element of. tragedy in the affair. But except for 
the remark that the procedure of the Society in voting to dis- 
miss him was contrary to the laws of the Episcopal church, 
under which law their proceedings had, of course, to be taken, 

tLest the curious in such matters should be distressed in later years to know what 
ritual adjuncts had to be "prepared'' in New Hampshire in 1S43, we hasten to say 
that this was Mr. Howe's stately way ot saying, " No fire made" in our-thilly April 


there is no accusation, no complaint. I get the impression 
thai the rector of Union church was a man who did not lose 
his balance easily. Whether he had a keen sense of humor, 
by the way, and whether his son, the Bishop, had, I have not 
been able to find out. If it is wanting in any man, there is in 
that man an important defect. Just one flickering suggestion 
dances before the enquiring eye in those old West Claremont 
records. In 1837 appears this entry: "Oct. 4, Sunday. Rev. 
Metcalf, Le Roy, State of N. Y., preached all day." Either 
Mr. Howe had much humor, or none, when he penned that 
line. I am a little afraid that it was "none." 

But he was a strong man and a good man, to all appear- 
ance, and I know from experience that it makes a deep im- 
pression on a young man's heart and mind, when he thinks 
that his father has been treated meanly by a people among 
whom that father has grown gray in the assiduities of pastoral 
service. When William Howe went South, he carried with 
him, we may be sure, a bitter sense of a certain mean hard- 
ness that certainly has had much place in our New England 
life. I think that that wounded feeling and the balms which 
Southern hospitality applied to it, did much to make him over 
into a Southern devotee. 

But still he carried to the South, however much he may 
have reacted from home traditions, a particular make-up, a 
particular development of character, which the North makes, 
and the South does not make. He was a son of Puritanism. 
Now I had thought of calling this period in Bishop Howe's 
life " The Period of the Northern Education." I changed the 
title to " Northern Beginnings," advisedly. I humbly accept 
the dictum of our wisely witty Dr. Holmes, that the first requi- 
site for bringing up children really well is to give them a good 
set of ancestors. No one can say how much heredity counts 
for in the world, but it does count. I have made a table, 
then, of Bishop Howe's ancestry, as far as I could learn it 
without making a journey to Boston to look up genealogies in 
the Public Library. The mother of the Rev. James Blake 
Howe was Patience Blake before her marriage with Abraham 
Howe. I have seven generations of Howes on my paper, not 


counting the Bishop himself, and seven generations of Blakes, 
six of Whites (his mother's family name), and three of Bells, 
if I may count his mother as one of them, and then add her 
mother and her grandfather, the Major. The Howes and 
Blakes and Whites were all among the earliest settlers of the 
Massachusetts Bay colony. It goes without saying that they 
were a sturdy stock. Three of the first Blakes were recorders, 
or town clerks, of Dorchester, and the fourth Blake, the third 
of the name of James, was also one of the most noted sur- 
veyors of his time, and writer of Blake's "Annals of Dor- 
chester." The second of the Whites was also a selectman of 
Dorchester for a few years in the last decade of the 17 th cen- 

For distinction, however, Major Bell is certainly pre- 
eminent. He was twice commander of " The Ancient and 
Honorable Artillery Company " of Boston, the oldest militia 
organization in America, and, except the "London Artillery," 
oldest in the world. In 1773 he was refused admission for 
his troop to drill on Boston common, and led them off to 
Copp's Hill. In later days there arose in a town-meeting a 
question as to the ownership of Copp's Hill, and Capt. Bell 
was summoned as a witness. He deposed that the drill- 
ground on the hill was the property of the Artillery Company, 
and that when they were ordered out of the common years 
before, he had marched them t/ierc "as being a place that no 
one had the right to exclude them from." " Supposing a 
party of British troops should have been in possession of it," 
he was asked by the moderator, " and should have forbidden 
entrance, what would you have done?" Mr. Moderator had a 
legal mind, one may suppose, and wanted to know what sort 
of proofs of legal right the Captain would have submitted to 
the courts. " I would have charged bayonets," was the Cap- 
tain's startling answer, " and forced my way, as surely as I 
would force my way into my own house, if taken possession of 
by a gang of thieves." That was the Major Bell whose sword 
and whose name and somewhat of whose habit of mind de- 
scended to William Bell White Howe. ^ 

But even more interesting than personal distinctions, in this 


connection, is the prevailing Puritanism of the family line. 
The Rev. James Blake Howe was a clergyman of the Episco- 
pal Church, and plainly not of the Puritan party. Whether he 
was the first to leave the old line, or how long the family may 
have been out of it, I cannot find. But Robert Howe came 
from Essex, a stronghold of Puritanism, and William Blake 
from Plymouth, which was another. Between Robert and 
James Howe come five others, two Abrahams, two Isaacs, and 
a Samuel. The Blakes were apt to be Jameses, but in both 
families the marriages were among women of the Puritan 
style. "Hannah" and " Ruth " appear side by side in one 
generation. "Submit" and "Wait" are parallel great-grand- 
mothers in another. Two Elizabeths and two Patiences 
keep the tradition pure. If James Blake Howe left the Puri- 
tan party, he could not at once make over the Puritan blood. 

What, then, is the gift of a Puritan party to its offspring? 
Well, the son of a Puritan may, of course, be no Puritan. He 
may be, in almost every fibre of his being, a representative of 
reaction. But if Puritanism cannot form him directly through 
his personal bent, it will form him in a measure through an at- 
mosphere which it created around him, as it has largely made 
the atmosphere for all of us in our New England life. Let us 
try to catch the really characteristic fact of Puritanism, the 
thing which makes a man Puritan, not merely the things which 
Puritans had in great measure, and a host of other Englishmen 
had, too. And this true characteristic of the Puritan in 
every age is not conscience, not valor, not firmness, not truth. 
All these are found in large measure, and in just as high devel- 
opment, in the party of the opposition. The real distinction 
of the Puritan, in all ages and in all lands, is the undue pre- 
ponderance of intellect over heart. 

Honesty, purity, zeal, self-sacrifice, — all these qualities are 
exhibited as gloriously, and the last more so, I think, on the 
other side. Indeed, if we are to do justice to this subject of 
Puritan influence in history, we must distinguish between two 
kinds of sacrifice of self. There is a self-sacrifice of self- 
assertion and self-will, which will do anything, no matter how 
hard, endure anything, no matter how painful, for the sake of 


having its own way. There is a self-sacrifice of self-abnegation 
and self-suppression, which gives up its own comfort, its own 
ease, its wealth, its life, and, harder still, its preferences, to 
give some one else the fruition of a great desire. Surely every 
one must realize that the self-sacrifice of Puritans was gener- 
ally of the former class. Your true Puritan will endure anything 
else to have his own way. Touch the centre of his stubborn 
will, and he will give up nothing for love's sake. He is hard. 
He is narrow. He does not readily make room for people who 
differ from him to live in the same church, in the same house, 
in the same business, even in the same civil order with him. 
It is the strangest of historical delusions that keeps presenting 
the Puritan before us as a man believing in universal toleration 
and ready to suffer and die to gain for other men the liberty to 
worship God (or not to) according to their own consciences, 
right or wrong. The Puritan of 250 years ago declared roundly 
that toleration was '"'an error false as hell." He was a persecutor. 
He went on as a persecutor, even unto death, after every other 
type of Englishman had given up that kind of thing. Nay, it 
is actually Laud, not Cromwell, whose writings foreshadow the 
kind of compromise on which all modern English liberty is 
built up. "Compromise!" What a word in a Puritan ear ! 
It takes some largeness of heart for a man of conscience to see 
how he can make compromises without compromising himself. 
Yet compromise is the foundation of true justice in this broken 
world. The Puritan movement was not the saving salt that 
kept us from corruption, largely because of this very thing, that 
Puritan self-sacrifice is always a form of self-indulgence. The 
habit of indulgence in self-will is not a moral preservative. 

But I began to say that what the Puritan really had for a 
characteristic was keenness of intellect not worthily balanced 
by warmth and tenderness of feeling. I want to moralize 
somewhat at length on that idea. Much follows from it. 

And in the first place, the Puritan is not always wise, never 
supremely wise. Heartless reason is not by any means sure to 
be reasonable, and cannot at all attain to the highest reason. 
And yet a Puritan party is sure to be a party of reforms, just 
because it has so little of the hindrance of affection to blind 



the eyes of criticism. Intellect is radical. Heart is conserva- 
tive. Heart alone is nobler than intellect alone, more god- 
like than intellect. But a less noble man may see a partic- 
ular truth more clearly than a nobler man in a particular case. 

Again, the Puritans of the seventeenth century were on the 
side of progress, but it is easy to give them too much credit in 
that connection. Let us consider some make-weights on the 
other side. In the first place, they had no vision of our mod- 
ern system. They led the way to it nearly as blindly as their 
opponents were dragged along with them. Secondly, when they 
came into power they were so far from using it wisely that they 
gave England one of the worst governments that England ever 
had, and within twenty years they were swept out of power. It 
is a simple fact that all England's progress since has been made 
under non-Puritan leadership. Thirdly, in this country also 
they built on unwise foundations, and the building fell. Let 
us face the facts. Slavery was one of their foundations. They 
even sold men and women of their own English race into slavery 
for the crime of being Quakers. Restricted suffrage was, rightly 
or wrongly, one of their foundations. Absolute union of 
church and state was another. All these things have been 
swept away, but the things which we glory in as constituting 
the New England idea of to-day, have been accomplished for 
us largely by the successful struggles of New England men and 
women who rose up and did battle against the Puritan admin- 
istration and Puritan ideas. Puritanism has often pointed to 
reforms, but it has never in any age conducted a reform move- 
ment wisely. It is in great measure because its " views " are 
not justly balanced by the finer forces of true human feeling. 

I cannot expect that people who have been brought up to be- 
lieve in that view of our Puritan forefathers which assigns to 
them every quality which we. have learned in the nineteenth 
century to consider admirable will immediately grant that I am 
right in what I have just been saying. But I am going to ask 
them to think of two or three points which may be worthy 
of being considered later, as they read or think of these mat- 

Am I not right, first, in saying that love is conspicuously 


present on the cavalier side in English history, and conspic- 
uously absent on the other ? Was not Charles I, with all 
his faults, followed to the death by the personal devotion of 
men, great men, too, who really loved him? But who loved 
Cromwell ? Was he not followed because, and only because, 
men agreed with his opinions, or saw their opportunity in 
his service? I venture to challenge any thoughtful student 
to go back over that history minutely, looking for this one 
thing, human feeling, and see if I am not broadly right. The 
Puritan party has always been the party of keen intellect not 
worthily balanced by warmth of love. 

Again, I will ask attention to characteristic differences 
between New England and either Southern or Middle States, 
which every one who has lived in our atmosphere, and also 
in one of those other atmospheres, knows well. Just as soon 
as one gets out of our clear, but cold, New England, human life 
becomes a warmer and sweeter thing. There is a more gen- 
erous hospitality, a kindlier sharing of the good things of life 
between one another, a greater power of enjoying life, a better 
habit of enjoying life. What does it all mean ? It means 
just what I have been suggesting, — a better balance of intel- 
lect and heart, of judgment and feeling, of work and play. 
It is true that the predominance of intellect over feeling is 
no longer great enough to make us Puritans, but it is quite 
strong enough to make the Puritan inheritance traceable. 
Thus inventive genius runs stronger in the New England stock 
than in others. Thus again, " Yankee smartness " has become 
proverbial, and New England has been easily foremost in 
making it so, — a mental acumen which may easily degenerate 
into the "wooden nutmeg" cleverness of a cheat, but which 
can also produce such lawyers as Webster and Choate, and 
such ministers as the Beechers and the Bacons, Horace Bush- 
nell and William Ellery Channing and R. S. Storrs. I make 
bold to claim that pure intellectual leadership has proceeded 
much more from New England than from any other section of 
our country. Our colleges and schools, all the country over, 
are officered quite disproportionately by sons and daughters of 
the Puritan stock. Certainly, on the other side, those of them 



who do the best work are generally far from being Puritans 

Or again, if you examine the intellectual product of the South 
for comparison, you will find that it is (in the main) intellect 
deeply touched by emotion. It runs particularly naturally, for 
instance, to fervid oratory. Examine the emotional product of 
the North, — of New England, at any rate, and districts settled 
from New England, and you will find that it is feeling working 
itself out through intellectual processes. Whether the New 
England heart reaches out towards its brother in benevolence, 
or toward God in devotion, it runs pitifully to "fads" and 
" isms," to strange sects and wild theories and hare-brained ex- 
periments, to " views " and " methods," to novel philanthropies, 
to what I may call "patent religions," "warranted to cure a 
world in a day." We organize our charities till there is less 
charity than organization. We have societies for doing almost 
everything, and do not observe whether anything is done. 

I must give one more instance of this unbalanced intellect- 
ualism. The other day a friend of mine was a dinner guest 
at a home within ten miles of Boston common, and heard a 
woman, young, well-educated, ambitious, a college graduate, 
of course, declaring that if she ever married, she should insist 
that the promise of fidelity should read, — not "till death us 
do part," but " till we come to feel that it is better for us to 
part." I do not mean to take her too seriously. She may 
not have been utterly serious herself. Neither do I put that 
forward as a typical New England utterance. God forbid ! 
But the saying reminds one of a noteworthy social fact, that 
it is just where the stream of Puritan influence has been 
strongest throughout our land, that we find the break-up of 
family life most common through the social cancer of easy 
divorce. Am I not justified in some measure in saying that 
the Puritan legacy to the 19th century is intellectuality with- 
out enough of heart? South Carolina, it may be added, is the 
one State that has protected the family so sacredly as never to 
allow any divorce at all. 

But what is the effect of the legacy of a departed Puritanism 
upon Bishop Howe? I confess that I cannot tell. I suspect 


that though a man of very deep and strong affections, he was 
an example of the predominantly intellectual type, which Puri- 
tanism makes common. I am much impressed with his fear 
and abhorrence of a pure democracy of government by the 
rabble, which is distinctly one of the things for which not Pur- 
itanism, but the triumphant revolt against Puritanism, is 
responsible. What I feel chiefly sure of is this : Puritan New 
England laid an icy touch on the young man's heart, and the 
cavalier South melted that chill away. 


In October, 1844, the General Convention of the Episcopal 
Church was in session in the city of Philadelphia, and the Rev. 
James Blake Howe, a visitor from New Hampshire, took the 
opportunity to introduce to the then Bishop of South Carolina, 
Dr. Gadsden, his son, whose delicate lungs made it desirable 
that while preparing for the work of the ministry he should 
find a position in the South. Bishop Gadsden received the 
young man kindly, and found him a position where he could 
earn his support as a lay-reader and catechist, assisting in the 
work of the Rev. Cranmore Wallace, rector of St. John's, 
Berkeley, a rural parish not far from Charleston, who also 
superintended the young man's theological studies. 

Imagine, if you can, the moral effect of such a change on 
this young man, under twenty-two years of age, in delicate 
health, and who had looked at the world through his father's 
experiences, and found it a cold, hard, mean world. Here he 
was suddenly introduced into one of the most charming social 
centres that had ever existed, and found that there was in 
human life a gracious possibility such as he had hardly 
dreamed of. He had changed far more than his sky. Here 
were chivalry and tenderness and warmth. Here for the frigid 
and formal entertainments of New England, with their careful 
book-keeping and conscientiously accurate payment of social 
debts, was an open-handed, open-hearted hospitality that sim- 
ply gave at every opportunity, the same to old friend and to 
utter stranger, and thought not of return. I will not spend 
time on the contrast. Suffice it that the young son of New 


England found the same difference in the people as in the cli- 
mate. Sore and irritated surfaces healed under their touch. 
What a difference in the life ! And then came a question that 
pressed for an answer. Which view of life was he himself to 
hold as true ? The view of those whose life seemed noble and 
delightful ! The view of those whose life he had found ignoble 
and repellent ! Which must he accept as the sounder philos- 
ophy of life ? That is the way that I read his story, reading, I 
confess, entirely between the lines. At any rate, this is what 
befell. The young man laid down his Northern prejudices, 
and embraced every Southern view of disputed questions with 
all his heart. Accepted as a candidate for Holy Orders in 
February, 1845, he was ordained to the diaconate in April, 
1847, and to the priesthood in June, 1849, and from his ordina- 
tion as a deacon he spent nearly thirteen years in the work of 
the same rural neighborhood where he had first come as a lay 
reader, only removing at the beginning of i860, to be assistant 
to the aged rector of St. Philip's, Charleston, the oldest parish 
in South Carolina, and one of the most noted in the South. 
But before we follow him into the trials and burdens of the 
war-time, I want to say something more about his conversion 
to Southern views. 

I shall begin with acknowledging that Southern life would 
never have seemed so beautiful to the young student from New 
Hampshire, if he had not loved and married a daughter of the 
South. I know not how long the courtship had been going 
on, but when he had been in South Carolina about six years, 
and had been a year and a half a priest of the Episcopal 
Church, the Rev. Mr. Howe was married, Dec. 12, 1850, to 
Miss Catharine Gadsden Edwards, a niece of Bishop Gadsden, 
and a representative of some of the best traditions of the 
Southern country. Her ancestry is in some ways curiously 
unlike her husband's. His is wholly American for almost 200 
years before his birth ; her's goes back to England in half that 
time. His derives from Parliamentarian Essex and South 
Devon ; her's, in the Edwardses, at least, from Royalist Bristol. 
His contains no names that are not heavily British ; one of her 
great-grandmothers was Margaret Perronneau, before she gave 



her hand to John Edwards of Bristol, and brought a touch of 
Gallic sprightliness tC the make-up of the family line. But 
there are stories belonging to these South Carolina families 
that will touch any New England reader with a sympathetic 
thrill. The first of the Gadsdens in this country was Thomas, 
sometime a lieutenant in the Royal Navy, and later collector 
of His Majesty's port of Charleston ; but his son Christopher 
learned the lesson of loyalty from this king's officer and ap- 
plied it in another way. Born in Charleston in 1724, he knew 
no higher earthly loyalty than the loyalty to his own land. 
One of the first to advocate colonial independence, he was a 
member of the Colonial Assembly at New York in 1765, and of 
the Continental Congress at Philadelphia in 1774, a brigadier- 
general in the army from 1776 to 1779, when in a dark day he 
resigned that office to assume the still more hazardous position 
of lieutenant-governor of South Carolina. The next year it fell 
to him to sign the articles of capitulation, when Charleston 
had to surrender to Sir Henry Clinton, and as a notable pris- 
oner, Governor Gadsden was carried to Florida and confined 
in a solitary dungeon at St. Augustine for the space of ten 
months. That was one of the bride's grandfathers. On the 
other side, her great-grandfather, John Edwards, has, I am 
told, the honorable distinction of being the first American that 
offered his wealtJi to the support of the colonial cause. He also 
was a sufferer when Charleston surrendered in 1780. His 
house was thought worthy to have such an officer as Admiral 
Arbuthnot quartered in it, and the admiral became interested 
in his involuntary host. "He was surprised," he said, "and 
Sir Henry Clinton was surprised, that a gentleman of his 
standing should have embarked in this mad rebellion. It was 
still possible for him to draw out of it, and obtain the Royal 
favor." Mr. Edwards was unshaken. He would rather die, he 
said, than be a traitor to his country, and disgrace the name 
that might be all that he could leave to his children. And so 
he also went a prisoner to St. Augustine, to come out the 
next summer with broken health, and die in Philadelphia 
while trying to make his way back to family and home. From 
him Catharine Gadsden Edwards was doubly descended, her 


father and mother being own cousins, after a common fashion 
of South Carolina, as of my own native state, Rhode Island. 

These Gadsdens and Edwardses are a good sort, such peo- 
ple as we should all like to agree with in great matters of 
conviction, — I beg your pardon, — I should say, such as we 
should like to have agree with us. It may not be uninteresting 
to ask right here, how these high-minded, large-hearted people, 
and our good Mr. Howe along with them, could hold convic- 
tions that we have learned from childhood to abhor. Indulge 
me, I pray you, in a digression on two Southern beliefs, — in 
the righteousness of slavery, and in the validity of state rights, 
as including the right to leave the Union. 

I hold no brief for human slavery, even for negro slavery. 
I hold it to be a wrong, and a dead wrong. And I rejoice to 
think that when a wrong has once been killed in practice, 
nobody goes on believing in it very long in theory. But a living 
wrong is different. I do not ask you to think that Southern 
opinion was right. I only want you to feel that it lies not with 
us to blame it for going wrong. For why ? We have a par- 
allel wrong of our own, and our people are just as slow to see 
it ! Some of you may think me a foolish radical, but I declare 
to you as part of my prophesying, which I hold my place in 
the world to utter, that our present industrial system, with its 
constant output of sweat-shops and strikes and riots and 
"scabs" and tramps, and degradations quite unmentionable 
here, is itself a slavery and a cruelty. It produces quite as 
much human misery in any one year now, as negro slavery ever 
produced in our land in any worst year of its existence. But 
men say, "We cannot help it. It is the working of natural 
law." So said the inheritors of two centuries of slavery in the 
South. " If a number of our mills and shops should stop run- 
ning," says the modern objector, " it would only increase enor- 
mously our pitiful industrial distress." Exactly so said the South- 
ern slaveholder. He knew — for, indeed, in this he was not mis- 
taken — that a sudden universal emancipation would leave most 
of its subjects far worse off than ever they were before. Just 
think of the parallels. In both cases thoughtful observers declare 
that they see, along with much of comfort and prosperity, not 


only actual suffering, but also theoretical injustice. In both 
cases it is replied that the system is here, that it depends upon 
individual character how it results, and that just as a matter 
of practical common sense, it cannot possibly be changed. In 
one case, slavery was threatened by abolitionists. In the other 
case, our present industrial system is threatened by anarchists 
and socialists. In both cases these theorizing radicals seemed 
powerless at first to do any real mischief, but the John Brown 
raid gave one warning, and the Chicago bomb-throwers gave 
another, to show that theory mixed with passion is a dan- 
gerous explosive force. The South went on insisting that 
whatever wrong was in slavery was inevitable, and called it 
" patriarchal,'' and would not set itself to make a way of escape. 
The North is now insisting, in precisely the same way, that 
what is wrong in our industrial system, — the slavery and degra- 
dation of oicr submerged masses, whether of toilers or of shirks, — 
is inevitable, too, and we call it "the natural order," and "the 
result of a necessary evolution," and think that we need not 
trouble ourselves as to what evolution shall evolve next. The 
South was found, in my belief, to have made a moral mistake, 
and the moral mistakes of nations never go unpunished. 
Southland North also, paid an awful price, of money, which 
was comparatively a small thing, and of tears and blood and 
human life, for that mistake. The North — but I am no prophet 
of the future ! I only ask you to try to see that we have not 
shown ourselves ready to deal with our own social questions 
any more nobly or more wisely than our brethren of the South 
dealt with theirs. A whole people, confronted with a compli- 
cated social problem, very rarely solves it by wisdom. It is 
generally taken out of their hands by the stern act of God. 

And if it was just the happy accident of our not having it 
for our own problem that enabled us to see that slavery was an 
evil that needed ending, so it was very much with the matter 
of the right of secession. I make bold to say that if the Con- 
stitution of the United States had expressly declared that, once 
in, no State could ever by its own act get out again, or if it had 
not been generally understood that the right of withdrawal on 
reasonable notice was left by it, inherent, unimpaired, in every 


Sovereign State, this Union of ours could never have been 
formed. So far as any mere paper constitution was concerned, 
the Southern lawyers were entirely right when they declared, 
" The right of any Sovereign State to withdraw from the Union 
is a reserved right under the Constitution." I am not saying 
that in the largest view of human duty they were right. I 
think that they were wrong. But every State in the Union 
started with that theory. It was almost purely an accidental 
thing that some particular States clung to it and others flung it 
aside. The fact is that the States, coming together as they did, 
created a nation, a. great fact the bearings of which few were 
wise enough to forecast. As a matter of fact, the national life 
and the national government became much more valuable and 
important to some States than to others. The' Union was of 
much more value to the protected manufacturers of the North 
than to the (distantly) threatened industrial system of the South. 
My confident impression is that the feeling of belonging to a 
nation, a great entity which has a higher claim to one's alle- 
giance than one's particular State could have, is now universal 
throughout our land. The idea of the nation is by all accepted 
as theory and fact. But it was not a wickedness, it was simply 
a natural and inevitable failure to perceive how certain facts 
had outgrown theory, that Southern men should feel themselves 
at liberty to vote secession ordinances, if they thought that the 
interests of their States would be best served that way. They 
were simply living fairly by the original agreement. We in the 
North had, indeed, a right to say, " We have become a nation, 
and a nation cannot commit suicide." We had a natural right 
to resist by force any movement which aimed at our national 
self-destruction. I even trust that all parties are glad now that 
the attempt at self-destruction failed. But I think that we 
ought not to impute moral blame to men because they did not 
appreciate this new fact of unwritten law, in the face of the 
ancient unwritten agreement, that such fact should never be. 
And I may add that I learned this view of constitutional law 
allowing secession, and of national growth making it impossi- 
ble to allow it, from an ex-judge of a United States ccxirt, the 
late Hon. Nathaniel Shipman of Hartford, Conn., who was an 


authority not to be despised, when he was lecturing in Trinity 
College, Hartford, on the ^Constitution of the United 

I return from this digression through a few words from a 
memorial sermon preached by Bishop Howe's successor at St. 
Philip's, Charleston, two weeks after the bishop's death. It 
will give you the Southern view of his conversion to Southern 
ideas, and will also show in some measure how he lived under 
the influence of them. 

"The neighborhood was an opulent one," says the sermon, 
"settled in colonial times, and full of Revolutionary scenes 
and traditions. It must have been to the young Northerner a 
favorable place for observing and understanding the institution 
of slavery as then prevalent in the South. To see what had 
been concealed from him at the North, and what to this day 
some of our reactionary Southerners fail to describe, — a truly 
patriarchal system of authoritative yet affectionate relations, 
rather than a cold serfdom of feudal exactions, must have been 
as surprising as it was instructive to the young candidate for 
holy orders. Certainly he became from this period, and on 
through life, a firm adherent to what were known as Southern 
principles, governmental and industrial, casting his lot with us 
and becoming as one of ourselves. Poised on the one hand, 
in a calm sense of superiority, and on the other, in a deep sense 
of Christian obligation, he strove, after being ordained in 1847, 
to become all things to all men, if by any means he might save 
some, however inferior, however criminal they might be, whether 
slave-born Africans improved, or free-born Caucasians de- 

We have already brought Mr. Howe to Charleston, where 
he ministered from very early in i860 to his consecration as 
bishop in October. 187 1, first as assistant for three years to 
an aged clergyman in broken health, and thenceforth as 
rector in succession to him. That ministry in St. Philip's 
church was in some sense the very centre of his life. There 
was the chief home of his soul. To St. Philip's his thoughts 
turned back when dying. In St. Philip's churchyard he laid 
the body of his beloved wife, and there he asked, and ob- 


tained, that his own should be buried by her side. It seems 
fitting, therefore, to make this the place for an attempt to set 
the man before you in some measure. 

In appearance he is described as a man of " more than 
average height," growing latterly to be "well-knit in frame 
and stout in person," and "dignified and imposing in pres- 
ence, particularly in his robes of office." 

" With a well-set, shapely head he combined regular fea- 
tures, gentle eyes, a massive, intellectual forehead that be- 
spoke a man of high mental gifts and powerful capabilities 
of thought." So much I gather from the same memorial 
sermon which I have quoted, that of the Rev. John Johnson, 
the present rector of St. Philip's. For convenience I shall 
refer to it henceforth as "the sermon" simply, or as "the 
memorial sermon." A Charleston clergyman has most kindly 
befriended me with information conveyed in letters written at 
various times last year, and to that source of information I 
shall refer as "the letters," or "the Charleston letters." And 
here the letters throw light on Mr. Howe's student character, 
and somewhat on his character generally, in mentioning that, 
when he was bishop, at any rate, he always carried a little 
Greek Testament with him, and read in it as part of his daily 
devotions. " He was a critical Greek scholar," it is added, 
"and one of his best sermons was on the distinction be- 
tween fiioq and !>tj." That helps one to believe what the 
sermon says of him on the intellectual side. I quote the 
paragraph entire : 

"Intellectually he was a growing man, sensitive to the im- 
pulses and pressure of the times, yet drawing ever closer to 
the divine light of the revealed Word and the interpretation of 
that Word given by the Primitive Church, the faith once for 
all delivered to the saints. To that light, shining forth pre- 
eminently from the Incarnation, the Person of Christ, His 
Word, His Offices, and His instituted Sacraments, the bishop 
brought every subject of study or contemplation. In that 
light he saw it himself and exhibited it to others, with a 
wonderful clearness of reasoning as well as of style, with 
touches of pictorial imagination, an undercurrent of cleep 


feeling, an unction, a fine moral application, and an artistic 
unity of aim and movement, that made him a distinguished 
preacher. There was added, too, to his effectiveness in the 
pulpit a winning voice, so clear in utterance and soft in 
quality of expression as never to fail to attract and fix the 

The general character of the man is described as "well- 
rounded and flowing," without any " salient or angular fea- 
tures," his temperament as being " more deliberate, and even 
phlegmatic, than impulsive and demonstrative." " Yet his 
will-power was very decided," says the sermon, — we shall see 
that, when we come to the story of his Episcopal career — "and 
his affections were warm and true beneath the surface." My 
Charleston letters tell me a story which I will add here, 
though I shrink from disclosing the sacred depths of feeling 
of one of these hearts so guarded that they come to be called 
"unemotional." Dr. Howe was making a visitation as bishop, 
and going into the church with the young clergyman in 
charge, who had been called away to his father's death-bed 
the year before, the bishop said, "the last time I was here, 
you were with your father, and I was here alone. I had been 
thinking a great deal about my dear wife that morning" (Mrs. 
Howe's death had occurred on Feb. 13, 1884), "and while I 
was celebrating the Holy Communion, I thought I heard her 
voice saying, ' I love you, and I am with you still/ and it was a 
great comfort to me." On the intellectual side not a fanciful 
man, he came to such an experience by the force of feeling 
such as the shallow can never understand. 

But I have gathered the impression that Dr. Howe did not 
live much on the surface, and one more story from the letters 
will, I think, help to indicate the sort of value that specially 
marked his pastoral work. A young clergyman was his traveling 
companion in a visit to a certain house where the elders drew 
off together in the evening, and left the young man to entertain 
a group of young ladies, kindly but shy. Conversation lagged, 
and pauses grew desperately embarrassing, till the hero of this 
difficult adventure pitched upon a taking subject in the way of 
extremelv light and frivolous criticism of a writer of eminence 


with whose works the hearers were sure to be familiar, and 
the spell was broken. But the grave bishop expostulated 
kindly the next day. Was not that rather too light a tone of 
talk for 'a clergyman ? The younger man explained the sit- 
uation, and playfully charged upon his episcopal mentor, of 
whom he was plainly not afraid, that it was his fault for leav- 
ing the young people unhelped by his presence. "Well," 
said Dr. Howe, " I mentioned it only to put you on your 
guard, lest you might impair your usefulness in giving people 
the impression that you are too full of levity to aid them much 
in their hours of sorrow." Dr. Howe himself was a clergyman 
who could aid men in dark hours of sorrow, of troubled con- 
science, of failing hold on life, and his measure of a man's pas- 
toral usefulness was a worthy one. Yet he was not unsocial. 
"His manner, though calm, never became inanimate," says the 
sermon, "and a genial play of humor would be often found 
beneath his seriousness. He had both the determination of a 
strong manhood and the suavity of a kindly spirit." But that 
determination was without self-assertion, and that suavity was 
without one iota of art or artificiality. Upon such a basis of 
character the grace of God the Sanctifier had been invoked 
from his early years, and the fruits of the Spirit, love, peace, 
humility, and such like, were visible in him as in a living 
epistle ', known and read of all men." 

Such was the general character of the man whom New 
Hampshire sent forth to be rector of St. Philip's, Charleston, 
in the dark days in and after the war. There are two quali- 
ties of him that have so greatly impressed my mind that I 
want to impress them here, if I may, — a certain moveless 
fixity, and a remarkable poise. We read in the Epistle to the 
Hebrews of a taking away of all that is artificial in a time of 
trial, " that those things which cannot be shaken niay remain." 
Those things which cannot be shaken ! The rector of St. 
Philip's was one of them. Many families left Charleston as 
the war-cloud rolled nearer and blacker in 186 1, 1862, and 
1863. There were pastors who thought it best to follow their 
refugee flocks. That was not according to Mr. Howe's mind. 
"Upon the background of the political troubles, the exciting 


times, the agitated feelings of that period," so says the 
memorial sermon, "Mr. Howe ministered with a calm, un- 
swerving fidelity, a gentle tact, a good judgment, a firm hold 
on his people's affections." We read that he had a large con- 
gregation still, and that "he found time to visit assiduously 
the sick in the hospitals." There came one Sunday morning 
in the autumn of 1863, when the sermon was disturbed by the 
bursting, in the very churchyard, of a shell from a new 
battery. The sermon was disturbed, indeed, but not inter- 
rupted. The preacher gave his message to the end, and 
closed his service as usual. To go on using the church after 
that would be plainly foolhardy, but to give up his work was 
to Mr. Howe unimaginable. He took his congregation to St. 
Paul's, a spacious building beyond the reach of the besieging 
artillery, and went calmly on as before. So he continued on 
his way, through manifold changes of surroundings and many 
trials of courage and patience, till in February, 1865, the Con- 
federate garrison was compelled to leave Charleston to its 
fate, and the Federal troops moved in. At the beginning of 
March the new commander notified Mr. Howe, courteously, I 
am thankful to add, that he must pray for the President of the 
United States, or leave the city. There could be to such a 
man but one result. He announced to his congregation on 
Sunday, March 5, that he must leave them for he knew not 
how long. 

"Why?" it may be asked. The answer is simple enough. 
The Episcopal Church recognizes the duty of praying for any 
de facto government under which the church may be living, 
whether it be a good government or a bad one, and even with- 
out regard to its character as a government de jure, or as a 
manifest usurpation. But none of us would recognize an army 
of invasion as a de facto government. If the Spaniards had 
landed a few regiments of conquerors in Portsmouth, last sum- 
mer, instead of a gang of prisoners of war, our Episcopalian 
clergymen would have seen no duty of praying for the King of 
Spain and the Queen Regent, nor yet of ceasing to pray for the 
President of the United States, and the New Hampshire His- 
torical Society would have considered it most unhistoricai for 


them to assume, before it came diplomatically to pass, that 
lienceforth Portsmouth was a part of Spain. If Admiral Cer- 
vera had seized the town and demanded prayers for Spanish 
rulers in all our churches, we should have thought him a 
bumptious fool. But our Northern commanders were guilty 
of that piece of tyranny everywhere, so far as I know, in the 

Why was that, again ? Because they assumed throughout, 
as a foundation of every feature of their policy, that the 
Southern Confederacy had no government at all, but was only 
an insurrectionary mob. The whole Southern movement was 
to be treated like a contrivance of naughty children. The fact r 
the really obvious fact, that another government had been set 
up, was to be ignored ! Looking back over thirty-four years, I 
venture to think that that was a mistake, and such a mistake 
as very few of us in this room would have submitted to, if it 
had happened that some one had a chance to make it in 
dealing with us ! It may be added that the Episcopal Church 
in the Confederate States, which had followed facts, — most 
zealously, no doubt, — when the Confederate government was 
established, organizing itself promptly as an independent 
national church, followed facts promptly again, though sorrow- 
fully, when the Confederacy fell. Within a reasonable time it 
rescinded its organization, and its bishops directed their clergy 
to pray for the authorities of the government under which, 
however they might not like it, they now actually lived again. 
Men like Mr. Howe waited for such official orders to guide 
their official acts. They would not take their orders as ser- 
vants of a divine kingdom from any but the constituted author- 
ities of the kingdom. 

It must here be recognized, however, that there is a differ- 
ence between obstinacy and firmness. Precisely. Well, our 
Mr. Howe was not a fussy and fluttered soul, full of self-will 
and empty of self-command. Two little illustrations I will give 
you of the manly quality of the man as one fixed and not 
shaken. The first shall be that on that Sunday morning in 
March, when he took leave of his congregation and told tfciem 
why, two officers of the United States Navy, who were wor- 


shipers at that service, were so impressed with his calm reason 
and -weighty eamestoess that they hastened to pay their re- 
spects to him in the robing-Toom and offered their services to 
try to get the order for the removal recalled. Their efforts 
failed, of course, but their testimony to the character of that 
quietly loyal " rebel " remains and is of force. 

And for my other illustration I turn to my letters, which paint 
me a picture of Mr. Howe's life that year that he spent in the 
country in Darlington county, where his family had taken refuge. 
It shows the exact scholar, the eloquent preacher, the devoted 
pastor, the gentleman accustomed to the elegancies of life, plod- 
ding over the country roads to the wayside grist-mill with his 
heavy bag of corn on his shoulder, to have it ground into hominy 
grits. " Rations were awfully scarce in those days," writes my 
informant, " and we ate what we could get, not what we wanted." 
Of course there was nothing else for Mr. Howe to do. No 
great virtue in that! No, but the story goes on with a note of 
real distinction. "He never uttered one word of complaint 
about it." There was my "hero." 

With "•fixity''' I mentioned "poise." The two "go together. 
A man cannot stand firm unless he has a good balance. He 
cannot be steadfast in his thoughts and judgments, in his 
determinations and in his character, unless he has the gift of 
looking at all sides of questions that come before him, and 
never allowing himself to be absorbed in the contemplation of 
single aspects of things. That quality of poise is most strik- 
ingly illustrated in two of Mr. Howe's sermons preached on 
special occasions in St. Philip's church. The one was preached 
July 28, 1861, at a thanksgiving for "the victory of Manassas," 
known to us as " the disaster of Bull Run." The other was 
preached — in circumstances how different — on March 4, 1866, 
a year from Mr. Howe's farewell to Charleston, when he took 
his place once more in St. Philip's for the first service after the 
ruined church had been made habitable again. 

The text of the first sermon was Ps. cxxvi, 3, " The Lord hath 
done great things for us, whereof we are glad." " I do not mean," 
said the preacher, soberly wise amid a tumult of joy and tri- 
umph, — " I do not mean that our late victory was a ' great thing ' 


in the sense that it was like some of those great historic battles 
which in times past changed the face of empires and estab- 
lished new dynasties, and obliterated, at a stroke, the ancient 
landmarks between kingdoms ; for with us, in this new world, 
the time for such a capital solution of our troubles has not yet 
arrived. From long peace both sections of what was once a 
common country have grown in power and wealth ; our veins are 
full of blood, and our bones are filled with marrow. Not till 
a people have undergone a process of depletion, and have gath- 
ered up all their exhausted energies for one grand effort, are 
they prepared for that one decisive blow which seals the pur- 
poses of God in regard to them. 

"And plainly such is not the condition in which our enemies 
find themselves as yet. 

" Brilliant as was our late victory, we should only be deceived 
if we thought this would bring from them an embassage with 
proposals of peace. They have still the greater wealth and the 
larger population, and after the first surprise of defeat is over, 
and they begin to feel the smart of wounded vanity and the 
mortification attendant upon seeing their boasts exploded, we 
may possibly witness another outburst of enthusiasm (worthy 
of a better cause) similar to the one which swept like a tor- 
nado throughout the entire North when tidings came that 
Sumter had fallen, and that the flag of the United States no 
longer waved upon its walls. Annies will most likely be reorgan- 
ized and largely reinforced, and well equipped, and under the 
conduct of able generals, will once more advance to the battle 
with all the caution and forethought inspired by a former de- 
feat, and determined, if possible, to avenge that defeat ; so 
that, under this aspect of things, our rejoicing at present suc- 
cess must find us diligent in preparing for the coming of that 
more severe encounter which is most likely before us, and that 
at no great distance." 

I should be glad to quote pages more of this sermon, to show 
its utter assurance of the justice of the Southern cause, and 
the injustice of the Northern opposition to it; its clear view 
of how opinion and feeling were actually working in the North 
and in Europe, and of the effect of this victory in both direc- 


tions ; its allusions to the case of observers " educated — by 
misrepresentation — to believe us weak and voluptuous, and that 
we were certainly predestined to be swept away like chaff 
before the onset of the North ;" its solemn warning, "If we 
should be permitted to go on from strength to strength and 
from victory to victory, let us watch against the intoxication 
which too often comes of continued and repeated successes, 
which leads men and nations to forget " ; its noble close on the 
pitifulness of war, and the grandeur, in the midst of all, of self- 
sacrifice. But chiefly I was concerned to give that long extract 
from the opening paragraphs to show how the preacher did not 
lose his head in the excitement of a frantic jubilation. 

Perhaps, however, the other sermon illustrates this charac- 
teristic more brightly still, and certainly there is a more touch- 
ing quality about it. In the dear sanctuary that had been 
ruined and broken by the storms of war, and was restored by 
the offerings of a desperate poverty dwelling in homes where 
once was wealth, the preacher stood and announced his text 
from Malachi iii : 6, "I am the Lord, I change not ; therefore 
ye sons of Jacob are not consumed," and assigned for his sub- 
ject, "God's Unchangeableness, the sure Guaranty of His Peo- 
ple's Safety." 

I must ask my audience to make a very special effort to im- 
agine, first, the personal convictions of the preacher and his 
hearers, and then the fearful conditions through which all the 
Southern States had to pass on their way to anything like good 
government. I trust that some of you will have read Thomas 
Nelson Page's " Red Rock," and inwardly digested it. Such 
can better appreciate the evidences of wisdom, of patience, of 
power, of self-command, and above all of that balance of mind 
on which I am insisting, that appear (even in the severest ref- 
erences to what the preacher dislikes) in what seems to me a 
very remarkable discourse. 

" Beloved brethren," said the preacher, when he began the 
application of his text to the company of mourners before him, 
"Beloved brethren, we who are here present before God have 
all of us met of late some of the great problems of life, jjot in 
the schools of the philosophers, or in the verses of the poet, or 


in the pages of the historian, or in the experience of others, but 
in our own persons, and that, too, eye to eye and face to face. 
Is it not a cause for congratulation, then, that not our faith, not 
our love, not our knowledge, which may fail in the hour and 
power of darkness, is to be our stay and support, but our 
Heavenly Father, who is greater than all, and who will not per- 
mit tribulation, or distress, or persecution, or famine, or naked- 
ness, or peril, or sword, to pluck us out of our great Redeemer's 
hand ? My own absence from you for a twelve month and the 
reassembling of the congregation for the first time after the 
lapse of more than two years within these hallowed and dear 
walls, so sadly eloquent of days that are past, must be excuse, if 
any is needed, for handling at this time and place our grievous 
wounds, and which if I uncover for a moment, God knows it 
is not 

* To put a tongue in them 
Should move the stones of Rome to mutiny,' 

but to heal them, if they may be healed. At all events I will 
pour upon them the only wine and oil that in my heart I believe 
can heal them." 

I must pass over a splendid paragraph, — I should like to 
quote every word of it, though I cannot agree with it in all of 
its opinions, — in which the preacher reasserted his utter belief 
in the righteousness of the Southern cause as a matter of jus- 
tice both to the living and to the "gallant" dead. He goes on 
to consider present duties thus : 

"Need I say, what you all so well know and have so well 
exemplified in the last four months, that our first duty is sub- 
mission to ' the powers that be,' as ordained of God ? How 
'ordained of God ' you ask, 'if the South was right in the late 
struggle?' Brethren, here is precisely where so many stumble 
and make shipwreck of their faith in a Divine Providence. 
Often, as the contest went on, did I fear when I heard the jus- 
tice of our cause alleged as the pledge of our success. More 
than once, as some of you may remember, I warned you against 
this snare, which contradicts one half of human history, and 
which loses sight of the fact that we must abide our Lord's 
Second Coming, ere our earth can become the scene of such a 


triumph. . . . For wise purposes of His own God has per- 
mitted us to fail, and our government, while retaining its old 
form and name, to be changed, for in the wild sea of democ- 
racy, which has now burst its appointed barriers, and swept 
away the old landmarks, and which governs all things by its 
nod, the minority has no protection and no toleration, but is 
under a despotism as rigid and peremptory as that of a single 
man. In all of this, which God has permitted, and which is not 
more than our sins deserve, we are bound to acquiesce, as much 
so as the Jews were when they were given over into the hand of 
the king of Babylon, and afterwards into the hands of the Ro- 
mans. . . . Let us, then, while realizing that old things 
have passed away, and with them State sovereignty and pretty 
much every thing save State lines, nevertheless, follow the 
Divine Alchemist, and while recognizing the evil as evil, and 
not calling it good because it has proved triumphant, or canon- 
izing it because of its success, seek to win good out of it both 
for . ourselves and others. Let our sorrows, our poverty, our 
bereavements, our disappointment, 'purge us as gold and 
silver, that we may offer unto the Lord an offering in righte- 
ousness ;' and ' that the trial of our faith, being much more 
precious than of gold that perisheth though it be tried by fire, 
may be found unto praise and honor and glory at the appear- 
ing of Jesus Christ.' And while we thus by prayer and suppli- 
cation endeavor to make our present condition help us forward 
in the right way, that leadeth unto everlasting life, while we 
put away all hatred, malice, and desire for revenge, and looking 
upon Him who was ' bruised for our iniquities,' learn the divine 
art of forgiving as we hope to be forgiven, let us also, as far 
as we maybe permitted, extend our hands and open our hearts 
to those who, once our friends and dependents, are now so 
cruelly estranged from us. Confessing to no sympathy with 
the miserable, but haughty, humanitarianism of the clay, which 
looks to regenerate the world by a mere secular education and 
the magic of the ballot box, . . . confessing, I say, no sym- 
pathy with that form of apparent benevolence which pretends 
to redeem the world without the aid of Christ and His Church, 
it becomes us, nevertheless, to recognize the results of its 


achievements in regard to those who were our bondmen. Mis- 
chievous as we may think its action to have been on their be- 
half, we are all of us willing, I am sure, not only to acknowl- 
edge without grudging their new position, but also to do all we 
can to make them equal to their new responsibilities. Their 
confidence in us has been so shaken by demagogism that, per- 
chance, we may not be able to do much, but we will do what 
we can. God forbid that we should throw so much as a straw 
in their way to prevent them from reaching any position, how- 
ever high, to which He may have assigned them, and to fulfil 
which they shall show themselves competent. We believed, and 
we still believe, that slavery has been a great blessing to them ; 
that it was the primary school of their civilization, in which 
they had made good progress, comparing them with their 
fathers and the condition in which they would have been with- 
out it, and we had thought that their tutelage should have been 
longer ere they matriculated as citizens ; for we did twt feel 
that every blessing under the sun was denied them while this 
was denied, and every curse heaped that could be heaped while 
they continued in bondage, and that, too, while passing com- 
fortable and well-ordered lives and made partakers of the 
His heavenly calling. But God's ways are" not our ways, nor 
thoughts our thoughts. He has permitted that to come to pass 
which is come to pass, and now we wait to see good come out 
of evil, glad, if we may, to contribute to that good, looking not 
for approval unto man, but to Him who judgeth righteous 

Again I pass over a paragraph which I would gladly quote, 
in order to give some extracts from the sermon's close : " In 
conclusion, I would once more point you away from the wrecks 
of your temporal fortunes, away from the ruin of your State, 
away from the trying future, to that farther future which shall 
bring in everlasting righteousness, and set up a kingdom which 
cannot be shaken. . . . To those of you, my brethren, who 
have not yet sent your hearts forward to take possession by 
faith and hope and love of this kingdom, what can I say, if the 
past and present have not spoken ? Will you strive yet again 
to build up other hopes which shall prove as fragile as"those 


which you have hitherto indulged ? Will you attach yourselves 
with as lervent an idolatry to the new order of things as to the 
old, and worship as earnestly before its shrines ? Will you 
seek to rekindle the dead ashes of your patriotism by attaching 
yourselves with all the warmth of former days to that vast 
democracy which must now, apparently, give laws to the conti- 
nent ? I cannot pursue my appeal. Look around you, and if 
there be not enough there to preach of the vanity of earthly 
policies and of a life unattached to the Saviour, 'neither will 
you be persuaded though one rose from the dead.' 

"And to you, my beloved Christian friends, what shall I say? 
I would say, Come and let us call in our wandering affections 
and fix them upon the ' kingdom that cannot be moved,' and 
which, militant now, shall be triumphant in the last days. Yea, 
let us away from this scene of sorrow and turmoil, and rising 
above its din and confusion, be borne in the spirit and by the 
spirit unto the New Jerusalem and that blessed future, where 
' God shall wipe all tears from our eyes, and where there shall 
be no more death, neither sorrow, nor crying, neither shall 
there be any more pain, for the former things are passed 
away.' ' He which testifieth these things saith, Surely, I come 
quickly. Amen. Even so, come, Lord Jesus.'" 

Comment, after that peroration, may seem as vulgar as 
loud applause after a noble rendering of "I know that my Re- 
deemer liveth." But the applause must have place after all in 
the concert room, and I will not withhold my comment here. It 
seems to me that in leading that stricken congregation through 
the thought of their burdens and sorrows with a force of feel- 
ing that gathered momentum at every step, and compelling 
them by the accumulated power of all this swelling emotion to 
come face to face with heavenly realities at last, as if the del- 
uge of their earthly griefs was made to float them up above the 
earth, not Bossuet himself could have used his occasion more 
nobly. It was a triumph of oratory, and of oratory essentially 
and deeply Christian. 


III. The Burden of the Episcopate. 

Of the five years and a half that followed the reopening of 
St. Philip's I have nothing more to tell, save for one notable 
achievement to which the faithful pastor brought his impover- 
ished congregation. In 1870 they bought the building which 
had been the Continental hotel, next door to their church, and 
opened it as " St. Philip's Home." We can all have some 
idea that those were sad and burdensome years to the pastor 
of any Southern congregation. If I have succeeded in bring- 
ing before you any definite idea of what Mr. Howe was in 
himself, I need only add that he went on being such a man. 
In May, 187 1, Bishop Davis, suffering total blindness, and en- 
feebled by age as well, felt constrained to ask for the election 
of some priest to be made an assistant bishop for South Caro- 
lina. The choice fell upon Mr. Howe, a credit both to him 
and to those who chose such a man for their leader, and he 
was consecrated to the office of a bishop in St. Paul's Church, 
Baltimore, on Sunday, October 8, being the first Sunday within 
the session of the triennial General Convention of the Episco- 
pal Church. 

Three things may be said to have lent to that consecration- 
service a certain romantic interest. The first was the specta- 
cle of the old bishop of South Carolina, with his sightless eyes, 
led across the chancel by some of his brethren that he might 
lay his feeble hands — he had but two months more to live — on 
the head of his young and vigorous coadjutor. The second 
feature of romantic interest was the presence there of one of 
the greatest of modern missionaries, George Augustus Selwyn, 
bishop, at this time, of the great English diocese of Litchfield, 
with its lovely cathedral, its .twelve hundred parishes and thir- 
teen hundred clergy, and the gloom and grime of its potteries 
and its " Black Country" for Christian Endeavor to deal with, 
but formerly bishop of New Zealand and first missionary leader 
in the two great works, of the conversion of the Maori race, 
and the building up of a new colonial empire in Christian life 
and character. Bishop Selwyn had, himself, been consecrated 
to the painful office of a pioneer missionary bishop in the 


same month of October just thirty years before, and English 
society had been startled at the thought that a man of recog- 
nized power, of social standing, of brilliant prospects, should 
consent to be exiled on such a forlorn hope. Sidney Smith, 
jesting, after his manner, to keep from tears, had said to the 
departing missionary, " Good-by, Selvvyn, God bless you! I 
only hope that you will disagree with the man that eats you ! " 
The quaint phrase hardly exaggerated the general feeling in 
England about the work to which Bishop Selwyn was going, 
and did not altogether wildly exaggerate its actual danger, dif- 
ficulty, and hardship. Such a man, such a bishop, now for 
four years restored to his native land, was the preacher and 
one of the co-consecrators at this service in old St. Paul's, 

But after all, the chief romance of the occasion lay in the 
conditions of the candidate himself. He was not called, like 
Selwyn, to risk his life over and over in perils of waters, in 
perils of war, in perils of rugged mountain and trackless bush. 
But he was called to a venture as venturous as any knight of 
chivalry, to prospects darkly doubtful, to some fightings, to 
many fears, to cares and sorrows rising to distress and anguish, 
to that which is harder than dying, the life which shortens life 
by excessive labor, by intolerable anxiety, by slow exhaustion 
and decay. For what was the condition of the Episcopal 
Church in South Carolina after the war ? A committee reported 
to the diocesan convention in 1868, that of invested funds 
$178,000 were gone, — the society for the Relief of Widows 
and Orphans of the Clergy having lost $100,000 ; the Advance- 
ment Society, $50,000; the bishop's fund, $18,000; the 
"Small" fund for theological education, $10,000; and of 
course the power of the church people to make up such defi- 
ciencies was most painfully diminished, while every claim on 
charitable and missionary funds was extraordinarily increased. 
Wealthy men and women of the North pour money into our 
Western work with a really liberal hand and a good deal of 
good judgment; but it was not in Bishop Howe's time — I fear, 
it has never come to be, — much of a fashion to help the brave 
struggles of the Southern church. And much more than in- 


vested funds had been swept away. The same committee 
reported that eleven parsonages had been burned, and ten 
churches. Three more churches had utterly disappeared, — a 
curious comment on the disorders of the time ! Twenty-two 
parishes were in a state of suspended animation. On the sea- 
board, wheie had been formerly the stronghold of the Episco- 
pal Church in South Carolina, but four parishes were main- 
taining services. The clergy lived by fishing, farming, and 
mechanic arts. Not one church outside of Charleston could 
be described as a self-supporting parish. It was hard to find 
any maintenance for the clergy, and therefore hard to keep 
them in the diocese ; in fact, at one time the bishop found his 
clergy list growing smaller from year to year. 

Well, this is not a history of the growth of the Episcopal 
Church in South Carolina. It must suffice to say that Bishop 
Howe was faithful, and patient, and wise, and that in twenty 
years and a half, before a merciful stroke of paralysis let his 
burden fall, he had consecrated twenty-nine churches, built 
anew or thoroughly rebuilt, had ordained forty-eight clergymen, 
had laid his hands upon six thousand seven hundred persons 
in Confirmation, and had raised the number of his clergy to 
forty-five, and the congregations to ninety-eight. 1 

To one who is interested in the study of Bishop Howe per- 
sonally, rather than of the church of which he was the official 
head, the chief interest of his episcopal career must undoubt- 
edly centre in certain difficulties which he had to meet in con- 
nection with the work among negroes. To the story of these 
difficulties I now address myself. 

The bishop was keenly interested in the subject of the evan- 
gelization of the great African population of the South. "It 
is, I think, my brethren," he said to his convention in 1883, 
4 * the question for our church in the Southern states. We are 
all agreed, no doubt, that we must do something, or at least try 
to do something, for the colored people; for otherwise we would 
not be worthy to bear the name of a church of Christ. How 

1 The distribution of these congregations was as follows: Parishes in union with 
the convention of the diocese, 54 ; parishes not in union with the convention, <f; dor 
mant, 12 ; missions, 23. 


is it possible that we should hear said of them all that is said 
off them, and as a church be content to do nothing and care 
nothing? Impossible. A candlestick with neither oil nor light, 
or which shines only for itself, may as well be removed, and 
will be removed, to give way to another that will shine beyond 
itself." A moment later he was speaking of the embarrass- 
ment that arises when methods come to be discussed, " which 
methods," he says, "strike different persons differently, and 
very naturally, according as they view the office of the church. 
If the church is an institution merely to conserve social inter- 
ests, or if it be the Body of Christ, in which we are bound to 
the Head in heaven, and to one another by His all-pervading 
Spirit, either view, or other views, will very much influence our 
views of methods." 

A word must here be said about the methods that have been 
attempted or proposed. Generally speaking, colored people 
and white people organize separately in the South. Both par- 
ties, I. believe, prefer it. In church life all Protestant workers 
except the Episcopalians have organized the negroes in sepa- 
rate denominations, colored Methodists, colored Baptists, and 
so on. The Methodist Church North is hardly an exception, for 
while it has some negro congregations in the South, it has no 
white membership there except white missionaries to the negroes, 
who are themselves excluded from all Southern society. The 
Episcopal Church has maintained with singular earnestness the 
noble theory of the oneness of all Christians in the one 
Christ. I take leave to think that it has maintained that theory 
(which I yield to no man in upholding) with somewhat too 
much of stiffness and inflexibility in the application. Southern 
men, knowing Southern needs, have suggested two ways of 
escape out of the difficulty. 

One was to have what are called suffragan-bishops, a kind of 
assistant bishops having no right of succession, and in fact, no 
necessary continuance in their employment, on the death of 
the diocesan bishop to whose help they had been set apart, and 
who must confine themselves to such lines of work as may be 
laid down from time to time by their superiors, with a resulting 
belittlement of the episcopal office beyond what some theorists 


are willing to grant. Such suffragan-bishops have been em- 
ployed most usefully of late years in meeting the modern 
difficulties of the Church of England, but the consecration of 
suffragans is expressly prohibited by the law of the American 
Episcopal Church, and no attempts to change the law in that 
point have yet found much favor here. 

Another suggestion was made in this very year, 1883, by 
what was known as " the Sewanee Conference," a gathering of 
twelve Southern bishops, seventeen presbyters, and eleven lay- 
men, which assembled in August at Sewanee, Tennessee, the 
site of the University of the South. It comes to me from one 
who was present on that occasion that Bishop Howe was the 
only man who appeared there with ideas already formulated so 
that they could be presented in a canon ready for legislative 
adoption, and I am led to imagine that the form of canon actu- 
ally agreed on by that conference for presentation to the General 
Convention in October was largely the result of Bishop Howe's 
study of the problem. Even in that body there were many 
men of many minds, and, alas! li much disputing!" It was 
reported further by an eye witness that our good and unmov- 
able Bishop Howe, though sharply opposed, by one speaker 
especially, was the only man among all those fathers and breth- 
ren who did not at some time in the course of the heated 
debate show signs of having lost his temper ! This, however, 
was what the conference agreed on solidly at last, — that the 
General Convention should be asked to sanction separate or- 
ganizations of negroes and whites, each having its own separate 
convention, with its own officers, and rules, and debates, and 
the independent management of its own discipline, but bound 
together, as of course, by a free right of intercommunion, by 
the common headship of the one bishop of the diocese, and 
by equal obligation to live in the use of the Prayer Book and 
under all the general laws of the Episcopal Church enacted in 
General Convention. No provision was made for giving to the 
colored convention any share in the choice of a bishop, or any 
representation in the General Convention. Southern feeling 
could not, I suppose, have admitted either of these things^fifteen 
years ago. The proposition of the Sewanee conference was 


accepted by the House of Bishops (the senate, if I may call it 
so, of an Episcopalian General Convention). The House of 
Clerical and Lay Deputies, almost always slower to rise above 
prejudices and take a broad view of new questions, would not 
concur. The North had long been saying to the South, "Tell 
us how you want the negro question dealt with, come to an 
agreement among yourselves as to methods that promise 
success, and we will open our hands and help you." Alas ! 
when a singularly representative body of Southern churchmen 
did agree on a plan which they thought feasible, the North- 
ern churchmen fell to theorizing, and said, " You cannot have 
it so at all." 

Meanwhile certain bitter feelings were accentuating. It is 
hard for any Northern man to understand what the South went 
through in the period of the "carpetbagger" and the "negro 
legislature." Certainly there settled deeply into the minds of 
men, thoughtful men, wise men, good men, all over the South, a 
tremendous conviction that in civil life the white must rule. 
No mixed rule was going to be tolerated, because no mixed 
rule was going to be tolerable. It was only a short step to the 
conviction that the same thing was true of the government of 
the church. In South Carolina no negro congregation had ever 
been admitted into union with the convention. None was 
going to be. That point was clear. But how about negro 
clergymen ? At first after the war there were no such. Now 
there were beginning to be. Under the constitution of the 
diocese of South Carolina every clergyman actually and canon- 
ically resident in the diocese, and doing pastoral work therein 
for twelve calendar months, was entitled to a seat and vote in 
the convention. But to a great majority of South Carolina 
churchmen the idea of a colored man sitting and voting along 
with white men, even on questions of church order, was utterly 
abhorrent. It was hoped for a short time that the General Con- 
vention would sanction a separate organization of the colored 
people within the one communion. That hope was frustrated 
by the decision of October, 1883. In May, 1884, a special 
committee of the South Carolina convention tried to avert 
strife by proposing an amendment to the constitution which 


would limit the right of voting (in the clerical order) to pres- 
byters. Then colored deacons might be multiplied to any 
extent. Colored presbyters would always be rare. That 
amendment was at once adopted — provisionally. It could not 
go into effect without being passed on a second time at the 
next convention. When 1885 came no such compromise could 
be thought of. The storm broke. 

For now the leading laymen of the diocese came forward 
with a startling plea. Public feeling in South Carolina, they said, 
had always so assumed the hopeless inferiority of the African 
race that it had never been necessary to say "white clergy- 
men " in order to make sure no colored clergyman should have 
a voting right in the convention. " Clergymen " in South 
Carolina had always meant " white clergymen." It was 
actually unconstitutional, they said, to admit a colored clergy- 
man, even to a seat, until the convention had voted, with all 
the forms required for a constitutional amendment, that it 
should be done. 1 

And argument was now ready to ripen into action. It was 
moved to strike out the names of two colored clergymen from 
the list furnished, according to canonical requirement, by the 
bishop, and which a committee of clergymen had examined 
and reported to be correct. A considerable majority of the 
clergy held with the bishop in every vote — and they were 
many — which was taken in the long parliamentary wrangle. 
A heavy majority of the lay vote went as steadily to the other 

*If this seems to us an outrageous demand that language should be forced out of 
its plain meaning because new circumstances made the natural interpretation insuffi- 
cient to meet what seemed to be a pressing need, we are bound to recall that in the 
famous " Dred Scott'' case the Supreme Court of the United States had upheld that 
very contention. Chief Justice Taney, supported by a majority of that august body, 
declared that "men" in the national' constitution meant ''white men," and did not 
take in persons of African descent. The obvious answer was that in that famous 
case the court had, under awful pressure, given a decision of expediency on a point of 
law. It is noteworthy that concerning that decision Bishop Howe never allowed 
himself in any of his addresses to his convention to say one word. It was one of the 
foundation stones of the opposition, but he would not so much as allude to it. To 
say, " Our Supreme Court once made a disgraceful concession to popular threatening," 
would have been a disrespect to a great authority. He never did say it. He only 
declared with changeless iteration that he could not himself disregard the rrteaning 
of words in that constitution which he himself was set to guard. 


side. Every proposal that had any particular significance was 
sure to be "lost by a non-concurrence of orders." A solemn 
protest against the whole action of bishop and convention in 
allowing the seating of colored clergymen, was presented, with 
many signatures of laymen, and was duly printed in the Jour- 
nal. On the other hand, it is pleasant to note that when the 
bishop announced his intention of refusing to take any salary 
for the ensuing year beyond what would come from invested 
funds, because he thought the congregations of the diocese too 
burdened to bear any assessment in his behalf, it was (on 
motion of one of his leading opponents) "Resolved, That the 
letter of the bishop, proposing a reduction of his salary, which 
has been read, be received as information, and this convention, 
gratefully recognizing the self-sacrificing and considerate sug- 
gestion therein contained, respectfully declines to accede to 
his request." 

In 1886, curiously, there were no colored clergymen in the 
diocese, but the old ground was fought over, because the lay- 
men thought this a good time to try to establish the right of 
the convention to vote on the correctness of the bishop's list. 
It was harder to stand out against a simple courtesy-vote, that 
"all the clergy named on the bishop's list are entitled to seats 
in this convention," but plainly to vote "Aye " on such a reso- 
lution was to open the door for voting " No " on a similar one 
in another year, and the bishop (backed, however, by a dis- 
tinctly smaller clerical majority) stood out for non-concurrence. 
At the close of the convention, which lasted four days, the 
bishop uttered this parting word : 

"We have come, brethren, to the close of a laborious and 
exciting convention. Excitement, more or less, will accom- 
pany our deliberations, when conscientious convictions meet 
and oppose one another. Sparks will be emitted when flint 
and steel meet. If any sparks have come from me I crave 
your indulgence. But passing from this, let me suggest that 
we all address ourselves in the ensuing convention year to 
thoughts and methods of unity in the working of the diocese. 
None can regard our divisions on one great subject with jnore 
solicitation than the ecclesiastical authority. It is a genuine 


conscientious difference as to what we ought to do, and I hope 
Cod will lead us out of the dark into the light; but if, ulti- 
mately, this cannot be, if no common ground can be found for 
united action, then depend upon it, your bishop will not stand 
in the way of the unity of the diocese." 

The year 1887 was the saddest, I take it, in the bishop's 
official life. In the distress which followed upon the earth- 
quake of Aug. 31, 1886, his pastoral heart had opened wide 
toward his people, and they had been much drawn to him 
in return. But in January following the Standing Committee 
had refused to recommend a deserving colored man for ordina- 
tion as a " perpetual'deacon," evidently on the sole ground of 
his African descent. In his convention address, next May, 
the bishop rehearsed the whole story of the man's faithful 
striving and of this bitter refusal just at the end of the way. 
Then he made a telling appeal. "When commissioned," he 
said, "to go to his work, at the time of his consecration, the 
bishop believes he was sent not to any one class, but to all 
classes who desired a part of his ministrations. If his episcopate 
was to touch the rich only, or the refined only, or the whites 
only, then he would wish to lay it down, being in his esteem an 
episcopate which lagged too far behind the footsteps of his 
Lord. He must address himself, therefore, if true to duty, to 
the colored people of the diocese as well as to the whites. 
But to do this effectively there must be a colored ministry. 
But if a colored ministry, then a colored ministry on the same 
plane ecclesiastically with the white ministry. For if ordina- 
tion means anything, it means that its gifts go to men without 
regard to race or color." 

The bishop went on to speak of the difficulty felt in South 
Carolina, and to recommend the final adoption of the constitu- 
tional amendment voted first in 1884, limiting the right of cleri- 
cal voting to presbyters, but drawing no color line at all. Then 
he went on thus: "You will pardon me, I trust, if I speak 
with entire frankness, but at the same time with great con- 
sideration of my brethren of the laity, when I say that it is my 
belief that they are not keeping step with the laity of other 
Southern dioceses in this question. You are alone in your 


position. This, indeed, matters not, if you are right ; but if 
you are wrong, it matters a great deal that you should array 
the diocese contra mundum" 

"You are alone in your position." That was a hard thrust. 
It may remind one of the famous saying concerning Dr. 
Pusey's Eirenicon, that it was " an olive branch shot out of a 
catapult." The opposition, moreover, was desperately embit- 
tered by the fact that now the colored congregation of St. 
Mark's, Charleston, had again a priest, a man of their own 
race, and his name was on the bishop's list as a matter of 
course. There was another wrangle of votes, ending con- 
stantly in non-concurrence of orders, and then, on the second 
day of the session, the lay delegates from St. Paul's, Charles- 
ton, arose, announced that it was found impossible to organize 
the convention constitutionally, and left the church, — it was 
the bishop's own St. Philip's, by the way, where the conven- 
tion was sitting, — followed by the delegates of St. Philip's 
parish itself, representing the very hosts on whose floor the 
convention was assembled by invitation, and a dozen parishes 
more. The bishop kept his unruffled calm, ordered the roll of 
parishes to be called for a quorum of the laity, found one, 
remarked that he would not appoint his committees until the 
next day, announced his appointment for the preacher of the 
convention sermon the next year, — the name was that of one 
of the three or four clergymen who regularly voted with the 
opposition, — and proceeded with the business of the day. 
Yet I am mistaken indeed, if that day did not take off many 
days from the bishop's span of life. 

Again the bishop had some parting words to say. I can 
quote no more than the last third of them : 

" It is not only the privilege, but the right, of the bishop to 
visit every congregation in his diocese, and God helping me, 
unless the doors of the churches are locked against me, I shall 
visit .them as usual, whether or not they are in union with the 
convention. But I trust that our brethren will reconsider the 
case, and see whether there is sufficient ground for these old 
parishes to go out, because one colored clergyman, who has 
sat in convention in Virginia for eight years, I am informed, 


is here with us. I trust that they will review the case during 
the coming year, and that we will meet many of them next 
year at Anderson. I pray God this may be so. We who have 
remained, I trust, will be there ; and may God bless you, my 
dear brethren, till we meet again." 

It may be noted that this convention passed finally the con- 
stitutional amendment limiting the right to vote in the clerical 
order to presbyters, and on the other hand, elected a new 
Standing Committee, with new men in six out of ten places, 
with the result that the colored man, Joseph Quarles, was duly 
recommended for ordination in the following July, and actually 
ordained as a deacon in September. 

May came round once more, May, 1888, and every one felt 
that the restoration of unity was the first need of the diocese. 
A layman proposed to amend the constitution so as to limit 
the right to vote to clergymen attached to parishes in union 
with the convention, and as no colored congregations were, or 
were likely to be, in such union, the effect would be that the 
minister of a colored congregation would have a seat, but not 
a vote. The Rev. Ellison Capers, afterward Bishop Howe's 
coadjutor, and now his successor as bishop of South Carolina, 
and the Rev. A. Toomer Porter, head of a remarkably suc- 
cessful school for boys, and rector of a parish in Charleston, 
brought forward proposals for a commission of clergymen and 
laymen, with the bishop as chairman, to report to the next con- 
vention, 1889, a plan for separate organization of the colored 
clergy and congregations, under the bishop as a sort of " head- 
stone of the corner," holding the two organizations in one. 
The resolutions were carefully considered, combined, amended, 
re-drafted, and finally adopted, without a dissenting vote, at 
the close of the convention's first day. The Gloria in excelsis 
was sung before that evening's adjournment. The proposal 
to amend the constitution so as to limit the clerical vote to 
clergymen ministering to congregations in union with the con- 
vention was withdrawn. There was a general sense of joyful 

And yet, when May, 1889, drew on, bishop and diocese 
were again in perplexity and distress. The colored clergy and 


all but one of their four chief congregations had in February 
refused altogether to take an)' part in any scheme of separate 
organization. The long strain on men's tempers had had its 
effect on tbem also. What would once have been accepted 
readily enough, would now be felt to be the badge of an over- 
whelming defeat. Twenty of the seceding lay delegates re- 
turned to their places in the convention, but they came on the 
strength of a pledge which could not be fulfilled, and the 
bishop's address shows him struggling with a deep despond- 

"The questions," he said, " which have rent us asunder, 
have, no doubt, tended to cool interest in one another, and to 
impede diocesan work. Whether these questions can be settled 
so that we can all work harmoniously together once more, and 
the parishes resume their accustomed places, remains to be 
seen. I am not sanguine here, but of one thing I am assured, 
however it may go with us, and however parishes may go out 
one by one, like sparks from the chimney-back on a winter's 
night, I am sure the church to which we belong will, as a 
whole, in the future of this country, increase and be glorified. 
And then when we turn our eyes not alone to the church in 
other dioceses, and rejoice in their growth and order, but also 
enlarge our horizon so as to take in the entire Anglican Church, 
which is in communion with the See of Canterbury throughout 
the English-speaking world, we again take comfort in the 
thought, that, however it may go with us in this diocese, yet 
elsewhere the vine is bearing much fruit. If we fail to witness 
to apostolic truth and ancient order, yet it is not so elsewhere. 
If we shall be cast aside as a barren church, others are bloom- 

Certainly at that moment the fate of the Episcopal Church in 
South Carolina trembled in a doubtful balance. Happily the 
bettercounsels prevailed. A compromise there had to be, of 
course. Jt took the form of an amendment to the constitution, 
establishing as had been once before suggested, that only clergy- 
men attached to congregations in union with the convention 
should have the privilege of membership therein. But an 
important proviso added that this article should not deprive 


any clergyman ol any rights which he had in the convention 
on the first day of May, 1889. The one colored clerg)man re- 
mained seated. No more colored clergymen would be let in. 

The colored priest, Mr. Pollard, very rightly declined to vote 
on his own case both in 1889 and again on the final adoption 
in 1890. In 1890 the sharpness of the still abiding difference 
was shown in two curious ways. It was to be the 100th con- 
vention of the diocese, and St. Philip's, the Mother Church of 
all the diocese, had very fitly been offered as the place, but in 
the preceding January a note came to the bishop. The feel- 
ing of bitterness against the recognition of Mr. Pollard's right 
to sit was running so high that the vestry of St. Philip's had 
voted to ask the bishop to transfer the convention to some 
other church. On the other hand, when the time came for the 
final vote on the constitutional amendment which was the one 
possible ground of hope for peace and prosperity, four clergy- 
men voted " No" One of them obtained leave to record his 
reason, which was an excellent one. Such a change, making a 
clergyman to sit in the church's legislature by right of his con- 
nection with some group of lay people, rather than by right of 
his order, was a violation of a general principle of ecclesiasti- 
cal order as recognized in the Episcopal Church. Quite true. 
But Bishop Howe, more wise, held that for a great salvation in 
time of crisis, men might justly vote to give something of their 
own rights and even of brethren's rights. Only nothing on 
earth, not even the saving of his diocese from destruction, 
would have induced him to put his endorsement to a statement 
which he felt to be untrue. Men might change the constitu- 
tion of the diocese unjustly, and he might even cast his vote 
with them as a peacemaker in a woful strife. When they 
asked him to declare that the constitution said what in his eyes 
it did not say, he would have died first, and seen his church 
die, too ! 

Two clergymen and a list of laymen .so long that it fills a 
double-columned page of the convention journal of 1890, pro- 
tested against the adoption of this amendment, now finally rat- 
ified, as not sufficiently safe-guarding what they held to-be the 
true meaning of the constitution, — /. e., the entire exclusion of 


persons of African descent, — and as not fulfilling the pledge 
of separate organization given in the convention of 1888. But 
they did not secede. 

It may be added that in this convention of 1890 the Bishop 
settled by anticipation a curious point of order, which once in 
the former turmoils he had decided wrong. In an Episco- 
palian convention great questions are apt to be decided by two 
orders voting separately. When an appeal was taken from a 
decision of the chair on a point of order, and the clergy voted 
to sustain, and the laity not to, what was the result ? The 
bishop had in former times regarded such a vote as reversing^ 
the decision of the chair. He now announced that he had 
taken counsel with very high authorities, and they had assured 
him that although such a question is put in an affirmative way r 
" Shall the decision of the chair stand as the decision of the 
house?" yet in spirit it is a negative proposition. In other 
words, when the question is put to the house, the decision of 
the chair is standing, as a matter of fact. It must stand, until 
it is overturned by the action of the house, and a house that 
votes in two orders, clerical and lay, cannot overrule its chair- 
man without voting so to overrule by a majority in each order. 
When the two orders do not concur in any matter, nothing is 
done, and a chairman's decision cannot be set aside by a vole 
by which, confessedly, " nothing is done.'' That seems reason- 

One year more, and in May, 1891, Bishop Howe met his 
convention for the last time. It had been a year of hot po- 
litical excitements, but to the diocese a year of profound peace 
and blessing. I shall refer but to two incidents of this gath- 
ering, both minor incidents, it may be said. The first shall 
illustrate Dr. Howe's profound scrupulosity both about consti- 
tutional interpretation and about human rights.. The consti- 
tution of South Carolina requires a clergyman to be actu- 
ally and canonically resident in the diocese, to have a vote in 
the convention. The faithful secretary of the convention had 
lost all his South Carolina property, and while still working 
entirely in South Carolina as a pastor, was living in what had 
been once his summer residence, a few miles over the North 


Carolina line. The bishop saw that by the plain letter of the 
law this clergyman was "entitled to a seat, but not to vote." 
Yet that was hard on one of the most faithful pastors on the 
diocesan roll. The bishop placed the name where he thought 
it belonged by law, but referred the case to the committee on 
the bishop's list for their further examination of the question. 
The case was thrown into the convention, and in spite of the 
considerations of sentiment that appealed to every one the 
bishop's painful decision was confirmed. 

The other incident of 189 1 was the adoption of a memorial, 
pretty evidently penned by Bishop Howe as chairman of the 
committee which presented it, praying the commissioners of 
the Chicago Exposition not to open on Sunday. The interest 
of that memorial to us here lies in one phrase, — "Believing, as 
they do, that the Lord's Day is . . . sanctioned by, and a part 
of, the common law, as asserted by Mr. Webster, we hold," 
etc. The great expounder, quoted as an authority in South 
Carolina, shall be our last reminiscence of the ecclesiastical 
conferences of that State. 

The next Easter Day, April 17, 1892, the bishop suffered a 
paralytic seizure, and his work was done. He was forced to 
retire to the country home of his family, at Saluda, in the 
mountains of North Carolina, and there to wait for the end, 
which came peacefully on another Lord's Day, Nov. 25, 1894. 
With his constant magnanimity, he had offered his resignation 
of his episcopal charge, that his diocese might not be required 
to support a helpless and dying bishop, and also a coadjutor 
who should do the needful work. The House of Bishops re- 
fused to receive the resignation, holding that a diocese must 
not be allowed to suppose that it could thus be disburdened of 
a bishop in age and sickness, and too probably in poverty. 1 I 
am sure that the diocese of South Carolina never grudged that 
decision, which made our New Hampshire Bishop Howe to be 
in a nearer sense their Bishop Howe to the last. 

The address was one of great interest and delivered in a 
charming manner. 

A vote of thanks to the speaker was passed, and a copy of 
the address requested for preservation. 


Mrs. Ida C. Humphrey and Rev. Daniel C. Roberts, D. D., 
were elected active members of the Society. 

Adjourned to the call of the president at 4 p. m. 

At the meeting held Wednesday, February 8, 1899, at 1 130 
p. m., the speaker was Rev. James De Normandie, D. D., of 
Roxbury, Mass., and the subject "The Rev. James Freeman 
Clarke, D. D." The address was a very able one, and the 
thanks of the Society were voted the speaker and a copy of 
the address requested. 1 

No further business was transacted. In the absence of 
the secretary, Rev. N. F. Carter acted as secretary pro tern. 

The Society adjourned at 2:30 p. m., to the call of the 

A meeting was held March 8, 1899, at 2 o'clock p. m., the 
president in the chair. 

The speaker announced for the afternoon did not reach the 
city until a later hour than that appointed for the delivery of 
the address, and the Hon. Charles R. Corning, who was pres- 
ent, accepted an invitation to read selections from portions of 
the forthcoming History of Concord which he had prepared, 
for which the Society expressed its grateful thanks, after 
which an adjournment was taken till evening. 

The Society met again in the evening in the senate cham- 
ber at the state house at 8 p. m. Mr. Frank B. Sanborn of 
Concord, Mass., the speaker appointed for the afternoon, was 
present, and expressed sincere regrets for his failure to be 
present at the hour appointed for the delivery of his address, 
the subject of which was "The Genius and Achievements of 
Gen. John Stark, or Factors in the Accomplishment of Ameri- 
can Independence." Mr. Sanborn presented the Society with 
a copy of the address and received a vote of thanks for the 

»This address was printed in Vol. XXVIII of the Granite Monthly, p. 167. 

mr. sanborn's address. 391 


Gentlemen of the Historical Society: — -In selecting the topic 
of an address which you have done me the honor to request 
from me, you could not better have chosen one agreeable to 
myself; for the fame of John Stark, united as it has always 
been with that of John Langdon, of my native county of Rock- 
ingham, and that of Meshech Weare, my own townsman, was 
from earliest boyhood a subject familiar to me. Next to the 
renowned Lives of Plutarch, which I read with keen interest 
at the age of eight, I valued that earliest volume of our Ameri- 
can Plutarch which contained the biographies of Stark by 
Edward Everett, Montgomery by General Armstrong, and 
Ethan Allen by Jared Sparks. From that, and from the cur- 
rent histories of the Revolution, to which our new and hot 
friends, the English Tories, now object so frequently, because 
they were not written to disguise the truth, I soon learned the 
outline of the inestimable services of General Stark, not only 
to New Hampshire and New England, but to the whole coun- 
try, and to the world. And in all my reading since, filling up 
this glorious outline with innumerable details, all honorable to 
him, my estimate, and I am sure your estimate, has only been 
raised and made more appreciative. And never more than at 
this time were the political sentiments of John Stark of true 
value to his compatriots of New Hampshire, and to his country- 
men at large, of all colors and races, — sentiments which he 
first wrote out in valiant deeds, and then in his vigorous old 
age, when a British faction within his native land was seeking 
to renew our severed allegiance to the aristocratic principles 
of English caste-rule which he reiterated, in terse words, as 
effective as his bayonet charge, under Washington, at Trenton. 
To these words, as well as to those deeds, I propose later to 
direct your attention. 

When the infamous Earl of Sandwich, in the spring of 1775, 
in his dishonored place in parliament, sneered at the American 
colonists as cowards, he was answered in parliament by Burke 


and others, — and presently, before the echo of his miserable 
slanders reached New Hampshire, by the Chevy Chase of Pit- 
cairn and Earl Percy from Concord and Lexington, and by the 
death-dealing valor of Prescott and Stark at Bunker Hill. The 
exact words of Sandwich were : " The colonists are raw, undis- 
ciplined and cowardly ; at the siege of Louisburg Sir Peter 
Warren found what egregious cowards they were. Believe me, 
my lords, the very sound of a cannon would send them off as 
fast as their feet could carry them." This has been the tone 
of servile ministries in all times ; the same contempt of truth, 
the same absurdity of administration, has been seen too much 
of late in war department officers nearer than London. But in 
fact, the colonists had been trained by the long war with the 
French and Indians not only to display the courage native to 
our parent stock, but to learn and practice discipline. And of 
the many officers thus trained to defeat their new foemen, 
British or Tory alike, Washington, Putnam, and Stark were 
the most signal examples. 

Four years older than Washington, whom he outlived by more 
than twenty years, John Stark, of immediate Scotch and more 
remote German ancestry, had from boyhood been schooled for 
the hard service of the war for independence, and for the prac- 
tice of those democratic principles which, more or less con- 
sciously, lay at the root of the wish for independence. In a 
new country caste-distinctions soon fade away, unless kept 
alive, as in Virginia and Carolina, by the prevalence of negro 
slavery. The " white man's burden," of which we hear so 
much of late, must be shared among pioneers, by all who live 
in the community ; there is then no exemption for inherited 
wealth or grasping commercial avarice ; and John Stark, his 
father and brothers, pioneers were all their earlier life. 
Archibald, the father, educated at Glasgow in Scotland, and 
married at Londonderry in Ireland, was one of the pioneers of 
the New Hampshire Londonderry, and for the last 20 years of 
his frontier life a pioneer of Derryfield, where now the vast 
manufactories of the New England Manchester deform the 
forest-clad banks of the Merrimack, as John Stark firsf saw 
them. The sons took to this forest as hunters of the bear and 

mr. Sanborn's address. 393 

the beaver, and, like Washington, they spent much of their 
young life under what Shakespeare calls " the shade of melan- 
choly boughs," — anything but melancholy to these ardent 
sportsmen. The future hero of Bennington would rather have 
answered to the description given a hundred years later by 
Emerson : 

Through these green tents, by eldest Nature drest ; 

He roamed, content alike with man and beast : 

Where darkness found him he lay glad at night, 

There the red morning touched him with its light; 

Three moons his great heart him a hermit made. 

So long he roved at will the boundless shade. 

The timid it concerns to ask their way, 

And fear what foe in caves and swamps can stray, — 

To make no step until the event is known, 

And ills to come as evils past bemoan : 

Not so the wise ; no coward watch he keeps 

To spy what danger on his pathway creeps ; 

Go where he will, the wise man is at home, 

His hearth the earth, — his hall the azure dome. 

The wisdom taught in this wild life of the forest, and the 
inbred dignity which it fosters — evident even in the savage 
Indian — were conspicuous qualities in Stark as in Washington. 
A certain magnanimity, not always found in the canny Scotch 
or the prudent Yankee character, distinguished him from the 
first. His adventures in captivity among the Canadian Indi- 
ans manifested this; the celebrated result of his running the 
gauntlet proved to the Indians that he was no " squaw-man, " 
and gained for him privileges which the brave allow to the 
brave, wherever they meet. As Stark described it afterwards, 
this scene was amusing, though hazardous : 

"The young warriors of the St. Francis village stood in 
two lines, each armed with a stick to strike the captive, who 
was to pass them as he could, chanting something they had 
taught him for the occasion, and carrying a pole six or eight 
feet long, with a stuffed bird at the end of it. Stark's bird 
was a loon ; his Indian chant was, 'I '11 kiss all your women r 
(at which, we must fancy him an adept, at the age of 24), and 
he did not allow himself to receive many blows. Turning his 


pole right and left, he hit out on each side, and ran through 
without much harm — his enemies falling back to avoid the 
sweeping strokes of his pole — while the old Indians laughed 
like the loon he bore, to see their youths put to shame by the 
white man." 

They then tried him with another " white man's burden " — 
putting him to hoe their corn — for it was then June, 1752. 
He began by hilling the weeds and cutting up the corn; but 
as that did not exempt him from the task, he cast his hoe into 
the river, telling the tribe what they knew only too well, 
" It is the business of squaws, not of warriors, to hoe your 
corn." This pleased the aristocratic red men, and they 
allowed the "young chief," as they styled him, to have the 
freedom of their tribe, and treated him so well that in his old 
age he used to say he had received more real kindness from 
the savages of St. Francis, than he ever knew prisoners of war 
to experience among the civilized soldiers where he served. 

The parallel between the early experiences of Washington 
and of Stark is curious, — the Virginian being sent to watch 
and repel French aggression in the Alleghanies, and thereby 
defeated and captured; while Stark was sent in the same year 
{1754) as guide to a company under Captain Powers to pre- 
vent the building of French forts in the "Upper Cohos," as 
the country above Lebanon was then called. More fortunate 
than Washington's party, that of Powers and Stark found no 
enemies to fight, but reported such fertile fields in the Con- 
necticut intervale, where Haverhill and Newbury now are, that 
these soon began to be settled by hardy pioneers. The open- 
ing of the French and Indian war brought both Stark and 
Washington into service as officers ; Washington as a colonel 
of Virginians, and Stark as a lieutenant of " Rangers." In 
his capacity Washington saved the defeated army of Braddock 
from total ruin ; while Stark, in the next campaign, protected 
from destruction by a superior force of French and Indians the 
few men left under his command by the wounding of his leader, 
the celebrated Ranger, Capt. Robert Rogers. With but 74 
men in this action, Rogers and Stark killed 1 16 out of the- 250 
French and Indians who attacked them, and Stark returned to 


Fort William Henry with 48 sound men and six wounded, 
including in the latter .Rogers himself, who had been hit in 
the head and the wrist. In all their battles neither Stark nor 
Washington was ever wounded, though greatly exposed; and 
$tark afterwards said that he was never conscious of killing 
any foeman with his unerring rifle except an Indian in this 
early engagement. While his reserve corps, on the crest of a 
hill near Lake Champlain, was defending the > position, he 
observed that several balls, all coming from one direction,, 
struck near him. Looking that way he saw a big Indian 
stretched at full length to avoid shots, on a rock behind a tree. 
Loading his gun, he watched the savage rising to take another 
shot, — then leveled and fired, and saw him roll from his rock 
into the winter snow, shot through the head. Later in the 
fight his gun was broken in the lock by a ball ; but seeing a 
Frenchman fall, Stark sprang forward, seized his gun, returned 
to his place and went on fighting with the borrowed weapon. 
For saving his comrades in this, his first pitched battle, Stark 
was promoted to be captain, in which rank, under the British 
flag, he fought through the whole French war. Had his advice 
been taken by Abercrombie, the disastrous defeat of July, 
1758, in which George, Viscount Howe, was slain, would have 
been avoided. 

Betvveen this brother of Sir William Howe and Stark a real 
friendship existed, and Stark was accustomed to say that Lord 
Howe, killed at 33, was the ablest commander under whom 
he ever served, — not excepting Washington. He thought his 
lamented death a future blessing to the colonies, for Lord 
Howe might have proved more than a match for Washington 
in the field. This was the young general to whose memory 
Massachusetts erected a monument in Westminster Abbey. 
Stark's opinion of him was that of Wolfe also, who called Lord 
Howe, " that great man — the noblest Englishman that has 
appeared in my time, and the best soldier in the British army." 
Care was taken by Providence that no such general should 
command against Washington and Stark, — William Howe, 
Burgoyne, and Clinton, and even Cornwallis, so successful in 
India, were overmatched by these frontier colonels, who had 



learned the art of war in the woods and mountains of Vermont 
and Virginia. 

At the age of 81, writing to Madison, then president of his 
freed country, Stark wrote contrasting the two nations against 
whom he had fought successfully ; and his words are as well 
worth pondering now as in 1810. He said, — 

"If the enmity of the British is to be feared, their alliance 
is still more dangerous. I have fought by their side as well 
as against them, and have found them to be treacherous and 
ungenerous as friends, and dishonorable as enemies. I have 
also tried the French, — first as enemies, and since as friends ; 
and although all the strong prejudices of my youth were 
against them, still, I have formed a more favorable opinion of 
them than of the English." 

Released from service in this hard war, John Stark returned 
to his farm and- his sawmill in Derryfield and Starkstown 
(now Dunbarton), and for a time seems to have kept out of 
public life. The approach of the Revolution, however, recalled 
him to duties which he was ever ready to perform. The news 
of the shooting at Lexington and Concord was to him the sign 
of long-expected war; he mounted his farm-horse and rode to 
the camp of General Ward, around Boston, where he was soon 
put in command of a regiment. From that time his achieve- 
ments were no longer local, but celebrated throughout the 

There have been many regrets expressed of late years that 
the colonies of England ever separated from the mother coun- 
try; and we are now assured by votaries of manifest destiny as 
confident as were the slaveholding annexers of Texas and cov- 
eters of Cuba fifty years ago, that the time has arrived for a 
new union between the two severed branches of the Anglo- 
Saxon race, — an alliance defensive, and particularly offensive 
to our former allies, the French, and to our steady good friends, 
the Russians. But the war which gave us independence was 
always justly called the "War of the Revolution ;" for it was, 
in fact, a revolution political and social which gave us independ- 
ence. Not merely the military power of England was over- 
thrown in the defeats of Burgoyne and Cornwallis, — buHier 


whole caste system of society, based upon wealth inherited or 
unjustly accumulated, and unfolding for the protection of ill- 
gotten wealth a political system based on distinctions of rank 
and the corruption of Parliament. You have only to read Sir 
George Trevelyan's new history of our Revolution, or any other 
good account of the state of politics under George III, to see 
how wide was the gulf which separated the dominant ideas of 
America in 1770 from those prevailing in the few hundred 
families and their dependents who then pretended to govern 
and to represent so many millions of the British and Irish peo- 
ple. Liberty, unsupported by power or wealth, was an empty 
word in the three kingdoms ; taxes were levied with small re- 
gard to justice, and pensions were distributed with no regard 
at all to merit. Equality, except among the rich, and too often 
profligate few who governed, not only did not exist, but was 
dreaded like a pestilence; justice, as between landlord and ten- 
ant, local sultan and inmates of his harem, was a thing un- 
known to experience, though often clumsily aimed at in the 
courts. The rich wallowed in costly vice, the poor in cheaper 
nastiness of the same coarse kind ; religion was at a standstill, 
until the forcible crusade of Wesley and Whitfield did some- 
thing to recall the nation from its drowsy hypocrisy and practi- 
cal atheism. Crime rioted by night and stalked abroad impu- 
dently by day; and the ferocious penalties of unequal laws 
doubled the enormities they sought to restrain by cruelty. 

All this was otherwise in most of the colonies. Caste, 
though not unknown, was mild in its enforcement, and accessi- 
ble in its enviable ranks ; property was more equally distrib- 
uted than elsewhere in the world, and freedom and comfort 
went hand in hand. Opportunity was here opened to all, and 
that social justice which is the best support of social peace led 
also insensibly to the substance of democracy. Even in Vir- 
ginia and Carolina, honest and frugal poverty, especially if 
connected, as in Patrick Henry's case, with shining abilities, 
would lead to power, and might easily culminate in what passes 
among simple communities for wealth. 

Hence the colonies were ripe for a gradual development of 
democratic institutions, such as even now, after a centuryand 


a quarter, are but barely tolerated in England; and when the 
misgovern ment of the mother country had provoked rebellion, 
the step was a short one from the colonial semi-equality to the 
profession and awkward practise of republicanism. Theoretic 
republicanism had indeed been advocated by many Englishmen 
for more than a century ; and it was the freedom-loving disqui- 
sitions of Milton, Sidney, and Locke, assisted rather than 
checked by the trimming eloquence of the great Marquis of 
Halifax, which more than any doctrinaire writings inspired the 
American idea in Adams and Jefferson. Calvinism assisted, 
with its strong emphasis laid on personal religion, as opposed 
to ritual, and on the right of private judgment, rising up against 
prelatical assumptions. And not without sudden effect was 
that hardy English vigor and Irish courage, which Burke had 
portrayed so clearly. 

" No climate," cried the ardent Burke, praising our whale- 
fishing ancestors, " no climate that is not witness to their toils; 
no sea but what is vext by their fisheries. Neither the perse- 
verance of Holland, nor the activity of France, nor the dexter- 
ous and firm sagacity of English enterprise, ever carried this 
most perilous mode of hard industry to the extent pushed by 
this recent people, — still as it were but in the gristle, and not 
yet hardened into the bone of manhood. When I contemplate 
these things; when I reflect upon these effects, I feel all the 
pride of power sink, and all presumption in the wisdom of 
human contrivances melt and die away within me. My rigor 
relents; I pardon something to the spirit of liberty." 

And of this liberty, which courtly Halifax, a century before, 
chose to disguise under the less perilous name of Truth, he had 
said in milder accents, and with a more suggestive tone than 
imperious Burke could easily adopt, what the oppressors of 
America soon found to be true : 

'•Such majesty she carrieth about her that her most prosper- 
ous enemies are fain to whisper their treason ; all the power 
upon earth can never extinguish her; she hath lived in all ages, 
she hath eternity in her; she knoweth not how to die, and from 
darkest clouds that can shade or cover her, she breaketh from 
time to time with triumph for her friends and terror to' her 



enemies." And Halifax added what our history as well as that 
of England has more than once made evident, " There is a soul 
in the great body of the people, which may for a time be drowsy 
and unactive, but when the Leviathan is roused it moveth like 
an angry creature, and will neither be convinced nor resisted.'' 

It was to rouse this colonial Leviathan for the extension of 
free institutions, and not merely for release from British mis- 
government, that Stark labored and fought, as Washington, 
Franklin, and Jefferson did. Writing more than thirty years 
after the crowning mercy at Bennington, Stark said : 

"As I was then I am now the friend of the equal rights of 
men, of representative democracy, of republicanism and the 
Declaration of Independence, the great charter of our national 
rights. I am the enemy of all foreign influence, — for all foreign 
influence is the influence of tyranny. This is the only chosen 
spot of liberty, — this the only republic on earth." 

Certainly this was true in 1809 when Stark said it; and it 
was to found such a republic that he had fought. Writing to 
Jefferson, four years earlier, — " I will confess to you, sir, that I 
once began to think that the labors of the Revolution were in 
vain ; and that I should live to see the system restored which 
I had assisted in destroying. But my fears are at an end." 
That is, Stark saw in the election and re-election of Jefferson, 
against whom British influence and the revised caste-system 
had struggled, an assurance that not British but American prin- 
ciples had finally won in our political strife, as they had under 
Washington in the stress of war. 

Bunker Hill was, in fact, an assertion of political equality, — 
"the equal rights of men " against the old system of king, lords 
and commons, standing armies, interference with local self- 
government, — in short, all for which King George and the 
Tories stood, as opposed to what the Adamses and Jefferson 
represented. Never was an army more democratically directed, 
for up to this day it is still in dispute who commanded the 
American forces. Prescott commanded in the redoubt, and 
Stark at the rail fence where he overthrew the English heroes 
of Minden ; but who was the general commander nobody really 
knows. One thing, however, we do know, that more than half 
1 ^ 


the men who fought against Howe and Clinton that day were 
from New Hampshire. 

We of New Hampshire regret that Mr. Lodge, a recent his- 
torian or novelist of the Revolution, has not discovered after so 
many years that it was the farmers and woodsmen of New 
Hampshire who did most of the fighting at Bunker Hill, and 
that the powder they used until their cartridges were exhausted, 
was from that stock seized by Langdon and Sullivan at New 
Castle in Portsmouth harbor six months before. This is a well- 
known fact, I believe, which does not reflect at all upon the 
courage or prudence of Massachusetts or Connecticut, but cer- 
tainly is important enough to be mentioned whenever the battle 
is reported in detail ; and we must therefore hope that this new 
historian in future editions of his entertaining book will conde- 
scend to take notice of it. As was said of a brilliant naval ac- 
tion in the late war with Spain, there was glory enough for all 
in the fight at Bunker Hill, and there is no reason now, after 
.so many years, why it should not be fairly distributed. 

I have spoken of the direction of the forces at Bunker Hill 
as "democratic." But a distinguished son of New Hampshire, 
forty years ago, went a little farther and called it " individual- 
ism," which is in fact the inspiring force of democracy, and 
that which makes our American principle of society so formid- 
able in time of war. Colonel Potter of Manchester said, in a 
speech on Washington's birthday, in 1859: 

" It was individualism that stamped the heights of Bunker 
Hill with the impress of American valor. Each battalion 
seemed to be actuated by individualism ; the battle was fought 
by individualism. Each commander of a battalion or regiment 
seemed to fight in his own way, and 'on his own hook.' Put- 
nam fought at his redoubt; Warren, with a major-general's 
commission in his pocket, fought as a volunteer. Stark came 
up to the rail fence breastwork (itself an individualism), contin- 
ued it down to the beach, and in a moment, as it were, built a 
wall to the water's edge of the stones upon the beach. Then 
was displayed that individualism so often spoken of by Wash- 
ington to Stark's honor. Taking a stake in his handlStark de- 
liberately walked in front of his line, the distance of thirty or 

mr. sanborn's address. v 401 

forty yards, where, setting the stake in the ground, he shouted, 
* Boys, the redcoats are coming up the hill ; if one of you fire a 
gun till they reach that stake, I '11 shoot him.' The same indi- 
vidualism at Bennington dictated the memorable speech, 
'There are the enemy, boys, the redcoats and tories ; you must 
beat them, or Betty Stark sleeps a widow to-night.' It was the 
same quality that, on the news of the Lexington battle, led him 
to throw down his crowbar, shut down the gate of his sawmill, 
seize his arms, mount his horse, and ride to the post of danger. 
It was his striking individualism that induced fourteen full 
companies to flock to his standard in less than as many days." 

It is true that Stark had the strong quality here so well illus- 
trated ; but it was his special trait not to manifest it except for 
the common good. At Bunker Hill and ever after he did not 
let his ambition or his pride of opinion bring him into quarrels 
or intrigues to the disparagement of Washington, as so many 
of the officers and congressmen did. At Bunker Hill he took 
orders at headquarters from the incapable commander, Ward ; 
but once on the field he acted as he thought best, and as long 
experience had taught him. Courage was everywhere shown 
that day, — on the British side as on ours, — but the only strat- 
egy on our side was that of Stark in fortifying and holding what 
a glance told him was the key of the position, if a retreat be- 
came needful, as probably Stark foresaw. When marching his 
men to the field through a battery fire which to young soldiers 
seemed alarming, he refused to quicken his march, saying to 
Captain Dearborn (afterwards General and Secretary of War), 
"One fresh man in action is worth ten tired ones." 

It seems that Stark had enlisted fifteen companies for his 
regiment, but two of them were transferred to Reed's regiment 
before the battle and three of them afterwards to Massachu- 
setts regiments; so that he had in the fight not less than 1,000 
men of his own raising, besides 300 more enlisted by Col- 
onel Reed. Against them came 700 men of the Welsh Fus- 
ileers, heroes of the battle of Minden, besides other good 
British soldiers. Of the 700 Welshmen less than 100 mus- 
tered at parade the next morning; and when General WinsTow, 
a Tory, landed at the beach that morning he counted 96 pri- 


vate soldiers lying dead before Stark's impromptu stone wall, 
where CapL John Moore's company was posted by Stark. 
Out of Stark's 1,300 men, only 93 were lost, and only 18 of 
these were killed. Stark could therefore well say in his 
report to the New Hampshire authorities, — " We remain in 
good spirits, being well satisfied that where we have lost one 
the enemy have lost three." In his own part of the battle this 
was true ; but in the whole action the American loss was 
450, as against 1,054 on the British side. In effect it was a 
victory for the colonists ; and from that day forth the invaders 
were cooped up in Boston. 

After the capture of Boston in March, 1776, Stark was sent 
to join the army in Canada, whose misfortunes were not owing 
to his leadership or advice, but rather to the neglect of them. 
He was then sent to reinforce Washington's small force in the 
Jerseys, arriving shortly before the night attack on Trenton, 
which gave Washington so much deserved glory. But it was 
Stark who made that victory certain, — first, by persuading 
the New Hampshire soldiers, whose time had expired, to stay 
until after the attack, and then by leading them in the charge 
against the Hessians at Trenton. Another New Hampshire 
general, Sullivan, commanded the division, in which Colonel 
Stark led the advance, — and from Sullivan, writing home to 
President Weare, we have this account of that eventful night : 

"You may want to know how your men fight. I will tell 
you, — exceedingly well. . . . Believe me, sir, the Yankees 
took Trenton before the other troops knew anything of the 
matter, — more than that there was an engagement; and, what 
will surprise you still more, the line that attacked the town 
consisted of 800 Yankees, and there were 1,600 Hessians to 
oppose them." 

This has often been quoted, — but there is a pardonable 
exaggeration in it. The division of Sullivan was composed of 
three brigades, — St. Clair's, headed by Stark's regiment with 
but little more than 100 men fit for duty, — Sargent's, with 800 
men, and Glover's with nearly 1,000 men, nominally present. 
In all, if all these men were engaged, Sullivan would "have had 
more than 2,000 under his command. In fact, the whole 

mr. sanborn's address. 403 

attacking force of Washington was stated by him at 2,400. 
But General Greene's division was about as large as Sulli- 
van's, — so that I suppose Sullivan had about 1,000 in the 
action, of whom about 350 were New Hampshire men. They 
forced the town from the southwest, and captured one of the 
three Hessian regiments; but the others seem to have yielded, 
after a short resistance, to Greene's division, to which was 
attached the Virginia company of Capt. William Washington 
who, with his lieutenant, James Monroe, afterwards president, 
was wounded in capturing the Hessian cannon. Indeed, 
these were the only officers wounded on the American side, — 
so violent was the assault and so unprepared were the enemy. 
The principal fighting was outside the town, after Sullivan's 
division had entered it; so it is perhaps strictly true that Sul- 
livan's men, headed by Stark, Poor, and Cilley, took Trenton 
before Greene and Washington himself were actually engaged. 
In any case the conduct of Stark met with universal praise. 
"The dauntless Stark," says an eye-witness, "dealt death 
wherever he found resistance, and broke down all opposition 
before him." 

The condition of the New Hampshire regiments which had 
marched down from Canada to reinforce Washington's small 
army, was particularly bad as regards clothing and shoes ; yet 
Washington would not make his attack on Trenton without 
them. This appears from his confidential letter to Colonel 
Reed two days before, in which he said, " Christmas day at 
night, one hour before day, is the time fixed upon for our 
attempt upon Trenton. For Heaven's sake keep this to your- 
self, as the discovery of it may prove fatal to us, — our numbers, 
sorry I am to say, being less than I had any conception of ; but 
necessity, dire necessity, will, nay, must, justify an attempt. We 
could not ripen matters for our attack before Christmas, — so 
much out of sorts, and so much in want of everything are the 
troops under Sullivan. " They in fact had to march through 
the snowstorm of that night, with old rags tied about their feet 
for shoes, and some of them even barefoot. When the two 
battles of Trenton and Princeton were over, Stark took his 
men back to New Hampshire, and proceeded to recruit a 'hew 


regiment. It was ready for service in March, 1777, but when 
he went to Exeter, then the capital, to receive instructions 
where to march it, he was met by the news that congress had 
made brigadiers by promoting younger men, while omitting to 
give him promotion. He was approaching 50, his services had 
been great, but by some wretched intrigue at Philadelphia, no 
notice had been taken of his merits. His letter to the legisla- 
ture of New Hampshire, announcing his resignation, very 
curious in itself and in results, was as follows : 

" To the Honorable the Council and House of Representatives, for 
the State of New Hampshire, in General Court assembled : 

"Gentlemen: Ever since hostilities commenced, I have, so 
far as in me lay, endeavored to prevent my country from 
being ravaged and enslaved by our cruel and unnatural enemy. 
I have undergone the hardships and fatigues of two campaigns 
with cheerfulness and alacrity, ever enjoying the pleasing satis- 
faction that I was doing my God and country the greatest 
service my abilities would admit of; and it was with the 
utmost gratitude that I accepted the important command to 
which the State appointed me. I should have served with the 
greatest pleasure, more especially at this important crisis, 
when our country calls for the utmost exertions of every 
American ; but am extremely grieved that I am in honor 
bound to leave the service, Congress having thought proper to 
promote junior officers over my head. So that, lest I should 
show myself unworthy of the honor conferred on me, and a 
want of that spirit which ought to glow in the breast of every 
officer appointed by this honorable House, in not suitably 
resenting an indignity, I must (though grieved to leave the 
service of my country), beg leave to resign my commission ; 
hoping that you will make choice of some gentleman, who may 
honor the cause and his country, to succeed 

"Your most obliged humble servant, 

"John Stark." 

I have always thought this sincere and manly letter to be 
due to something better than personal pique ; that he foresaw 
the mischief which the congressional intrigues against Wash- 
ington would do, and took this means to warn his country 
against them. He was quite right in throwing up his commis- 
sion for the reason alleged, yet had not his success af Ben 

mr. sanborn's address. 405 

nington afterwards spoken in his behalf, he would have been 
censured for abandoning a cause in which he could have done 
much good- But probably he felt in his soul that he was most 
needed in New Hampshire, — as indeed he was. 

Yet Stark was very far from abandoning the cause of New 
England and the country. The expedition of Burgoyne was 
threatening, and he probably foresaw — what was the fact — 
that New Hampshire and Vermont would be important factors 
in the defeat of the invasion of New York and New England 
from Canada. In consequence of errors made the preceding 
year, against the protest of Stark, the great fortress of Ticon- 
deroga had been laid open to Burgoyne's attack; it was aban- 
doned in July, 1777, and the retreating army was pursued by 
Frazer and Riedesel at Hubbardton, in Vermont. The rear 
guard, under Seth Warner, were overtaken and defeated, after 
vigorous resistance. New Hampshire was aroused by the 
news of invasion, as never before — for it has been, and still is, 
the boast of our little state " that she has never seen a foreign 
foeman within her borders save as a prisoner or a guest." 
Her government, then in session at Exeter, had for Speaker of 
the assembly John Langdon of Portmouth, and for President 
of the council, Weare of Hampton Falls ; these patriots both 
spoke and acted as the crisis demanded; and Stark was at his 
farm in Manchester 'waiting to obey the orders of a State 
which never failed him. Less than three weeks after the fall 
of Ticonderoga, orders were out for three battalions under 
Stark, who was as ready then as at the news of Concord fight, 
to march across Vermont and meet the victorious invaders in 
the eastern limits of New York. This array of men, raised as 
if by the fiery cross of Scotch Highlanders, traversing the 
mountains and plains of the small state, was preceded and 
made possible by that speech of Langdon which can never be 
too often quoted : 

" I have $3,000 in hard money; my plate shall be pledged 
for as much more ; my 70 hogsheads of Tobago rum shall be 
sold for the most they will bring. These are at the service of 
the State; if we succeed I shall be remunerated — if not, they 
will be of no use to me. We can raise a brigade ; ojjr friend 


Stark, who so nobly sustained the honor of New Hampshire 
at Bunker Hill, may safely be trusted to command, and we will 
check Burgoyne ! " 

So said, so done ; in one short month from that memorable 
speech Bennington had witnessed the defeat and capture of 
1,000 of the invading army ; one wing of the great bird of prey 
hovering over Vermont and the Hudson had been broken by 
the marksmen of New England; its flight was impeded, and 
soon it could neither go forward nor limp back towards the 
lurking places of its savage allies. Burgoyne's surrender fol- 
lowed, — as directly a result of the Bennington battle as if Stark 
had slain half of his invading forces. But this right, which, 
in what Napoleon called " a war of skirmishes," was the most 
momentous skirmish, deserves more than such brief mention. 
It was the crowning achievement of John Stark, and the 
proudest testimonial of New Hampshire's ready and effective 

I take it that in assigning my subject as " the genius and 
achievements" of Stark, your Society meant to imply that this 
plain citizen, farmer and lumberman, fighter of Indians and 
leader of men, had something more in him than these terms 
indicate, — that to him genius was granted, — that gift indefina- 
ble, but indispensable in every great movement and crisis of 
mankind. In military affairs genius combines with good for- 
tune, to such a degree that it is always open to debate which 
of the two gave the great general his successes. But it may 
also co-exist — I mean genius — with ill fortune, as in Washing- 
ton's case, in order further to develop itself, and grow from 
mere military leadership into the higher genius of the con- 
structive statesman. It is not alone for his success in war — 
marked as that finally became — but for his far-seeing, unselfish 
statesmanship, that Washington is now held in honor, every- 
where but in the high places of the government which his 
valor made possible for vaunting mediocrity to occupy. 
"Great empire and little minds," said Burke, "go ill to- 
gether." Washington's was a great mind in a small empire. 

Stark had, in a less degree, but of the same nature, the 
genius for war and government which the great Virginian -pos- 


sessed. He was probably never beaten in a battle or a cam- 
paign which was directed by himself, or where he was left free 
to act. At Bunker Hill, his resistance and his orderly retreat 
were the strategic features of the day ; all else was reckless 
courage, displayed in desperate battle. At Bennington he was 
left free to show his genius in planning and finishing a cam- 
paign. His postponement, rather than neglect, of Schuyler's 
orders to join the army near Albany, enabled him to give to 
Burgoyne's army the wound from which it could never recover. 
He has sometimes been blamed for not controlling his men 
after the first victory, and thus laying himself open to the 
assault of Breyman's fresh troops ; but he had ordered in time 
the reinforcement which he received himself from Warner, and 
it arrived by good fortune in the very nick of time. When the 
double victory was gained, he advanced with his victorious 
farmers to a junction with Gates, to whom he reported a month 
after the Bennington engagement, but his men having done 
their task and served their time, returned to New Hampshire. 
Thither also went Stark, and by his personal influence and the 
renown of his victory, raised nearly 3,000 fresh troops, with 
which he cut off the retreat of Burgoyne towards Canada. Here 
again, Stark manifested that military insight which would have 
won many victories, had he been placed, as Washington and 
Greene were, at the head of armies subject to his own direction. 

In civil life Stark's genius was also displayed ; it was less 
needed in New Hampshire, because men of prudence, like 
Weare and his associates, were at the helm: But in the 
troubled affairs of Vermont in its infancy, he showed how well 
he understood the principles of equity which alone make free 
governments succeed. The rival claims of New York and of New 
Hampshire to the territory of Vermont, made those states for- 
getful of the just rights of the people who occupied that terri- 
tory; and the controversy was long and bitter at one stage. 
When Stark thought statesmanship had prevailed over selfish 
interests, he wrote a remarkable letter to Chittenden, the wise 
governor of the infant State, saying : 

"I only waited the prudent and happy determination of con- 
gress to congratulate you. No intervening circumstanceln the 


grand political system of America, since the war began, has 
given me more real pleasure than your acceptance into the 
Union, — a measure that I do now and always did think was 
highly compatible with the real interest of the country. In my 
opinion, nothing can wound a generous mind more than the 
mortifying thought of making a large country miserable; and 
the people of your state, by their utter detestation of the man- 
agement of New York, must have been wretched under their 
government. To have been connected with New Hampshire is 
what many in the state would have been very sorry for, as 
very inconvenient and expensive for both bodies of people, 
and no real good resulting from such a connection, therefore I 
am of the opinion that every man who consulted the public in- 
terest must be an advocate for a separation; for, had they been 
connected, there would ever have been a jealousy between the 
two states, which would have been infallibly dangerous to both ; 
but that jealousy, by the separation, must entirely subside, and 
New Hampshire and Vermont live in perfect friendship as sis- 
ter States." 

So, too, after the war ended, when factions and personages 
in our state were turmoiling the community for impossible 
changes of the law, or for personal grants and favors to them- 
selves, Stark is never heard of as countenancing anything but 
good government and democracy. His expenditures during the 
war were never fully repaid. He had been almost impover- 
ished, but he considered only the success of the good cause, fol- 
lowed the example of Washington, and was willing that others 
should hold the reins of government, and win the honors of 
office. He refused to join Armstrong and other officers in the 
offer of a throne to Washington ; he declined to take part in the 
hereditary order of the Cincinnati, and he looked with high 
disfavor on the predominance of what an eccentric writer has 
called the infectious atmosphere of the counting-house in the 
Confederation ; and it was true of Stark as of Dearborn, his 
subaltern at Bunker Hill, that they belonged to the great Re- 
publican party; made, carried through, and upheld to their last 
hour by Jefferson and John Langdon, as Langdon's grandson 
said. * 

mr. Sanborn's address. 409 

In sustaining this Republican party, General Stark no doubt 
favored the acquisition of the mouth of the Mississippi, and 
the wide territory then called Louisiana ; but he favored it, as 
Jefferson did, — not as a means of entering upon foreign wars, 
but of guarding our republic from the risk of them. Conquest 
was not in the minds of Jefferson and his friends, as it was in 
those of Hamilton, Rufus King, and the Federalist leaders, 
after the guiding hand of Washington was withdrawn from 
their counsels and activities. It is only within the past year 
or two that we have had revealed, by the publication of King's 
correspondence, the singular, and, I must add, the atrocious 
plot of Hamilton and his friends, combining with the English 
Tory government, to excite war with Spain, by invading her 
American colonies with a British fleet and an American army, 
the latter to be commanded by Hamilton himself. To such 
lengths did this plot go that it was only by the good sense of 
John Adams, then President, that so criminal a war was not 
engaged in, at a time when every interest of the young repub- 
lic demanded peace. It was in the remembrance of schemes 
like this, and of the aristocratic and military tendencies of 
Hamilton, Morris, and their faction, that Stark wrote, in 1809, 
to the patriots of Vermont who were celebrating the battle of 
Bennington : 

"You well know, gentlemen, that at .the time of the event 
you celebrate, there was a powerful British faction in the coun- 
try (called Tories) a material part of the force we contended 
with. This faction was rankling in our councils, until it had 
laid a foundation for the subversion of our liberties ; but, by 
having good sentinels at our outposts, we were apprised of our 
danger. The sons of freedom beat the alarm, and (as at Ben- 
nington) they saw, they conquered. ' Look to our sentries ! ' 
these are my orders now, and will be my last orders to all my 
volunteers; for there is now a dangerous British party in the 
country, lurking in hiding places, more dangerous than all our 
foreign enemies. Whenever they shall appear, let us render 
the same account of them as was given at Bennington, though 
they assume what name they will." 

1 Freedom, not Conquest," such was the motto of Starlf — as it 


was, in June, 1786, the motto of New Hampshire on its battle- 
flag, as you, gentlemen of the Historical Society, may remem- 
ber. The Committee of our General Court " to devise Stand- 
ards " reported in that year, — 

" That the field of the New Hampshire flag be a dark purple 
on a white ground, an oval shield in the middle, encircled with 
laurel, within which is to be the following device, viz. : A man 
armed at all points, in a posture of defence, his hand on his 
sword, the sword half-drawn, the motto, ' Freedom, not Con- 
quest,' thirteen silver stars dispersed over the field of the 
standard, and properly arranged so as to encircle the device 
and motto." 

That was a flag such as Washington, Stark, and all our 
heroes might have marched under ; it is the flag, as I believe, 
under which New Hampshire marches to-day, for I cannot 
think my native state is ready to follow in the wake of Eng- 
land's bloody and piratical imperialists, listen to a dangerous 
British party in our country, such as Stark warned us against, 
and slide into an alliance, for perpetual warfare, side by side 
with those Englishmen whom Stark said he had found "treach- 
erous and ungenerous as friends, and dishonorable as ene- 
mies." We wish them to be now what our glorious Declaration 
of Independence said they must be, " enemies in war, in peace, 
friends," not, as we should too probably find them, if we entan- 
gled ourselves in alliance with them, " friends in war with Eng- 
land's enemies, in peace, enemies of ourselves." 

It may not be remembered by all who hear me that the 
Tories of Vermont, New York, and Canada were an important 
part of the armed force which Stark met at Bennington. Col- 
onel Skene, who had been an officer in the British army, gath- 
ered and headed this force of Tories. He had settled at 
Whitehall in New York, where he had extensive lands, mills, 
forges, etc., and had many followers. His horse was shot at 
Bennington by a New Hampshire soldier, and the Tory col- 
onel barely escaped on an artillery horse. From an account 
by one of Stark's men, Thomas Mellen, given in 1848, 
some curious particulars of the Bennington campaign are to be 


This Thomas Mellen, from Francestown, had been one of 
Stark's men in Canada, and was personally known to his gen- 
eral for years. After the battle, as he was returning to the 
neighborhood of the entrenchment, he was ordered by Stark to 
help draw off one of the captured cannon. "I told him I was 
worn out ; his answer was, 'Don't seem to disobey ; take hold, 
and if you can't hold out slip away in the dark.'" At the 
beginning of the day, Stark had ridden near the entrench- 
ments of the British, to reconnoiter; the cannon were trained 
on him, and he came galloping back, bending in the saddle, 
and calling out to his own men, — "Those rascals know I am 
an officer; don't you see how they honor me with a salute from 
the big gun ?" These sayings, and the legendary one, as he led 
his men to the charge, — "There are your enemies, the red- 
coats and the tories ; we must have them in half an hour, or 
this night Betty Stark's a widow " — indicate the familiar terms 
on which he stood with his men. At the same time, he was 
strict in his discipline; and these two qualities of a successful 
commander, familiarity and discipline, mark him as the best 
possible leader for New Hampshire soldiers. Nor was his 
talent for describing a battle below his other qualifications ; 
for seldom has a campaign been more tersely and sufficiently 
portrayed than was Stark's in his dispatch to President Weare 
and the council at Exeter. After detailing his manceuvers, 
which were all seasonable and successful, he said, — "Colonel 
Nichols commenced the attack precisely at 3 o'clock in the 
afternoon, which was followed by all the rest. I pushed for- 
ward the remainder with all speed. Our people behaved with 
the greatest spirit and bravery imaginable. Had they been 
Alexanders, or Charles of Sweden, they could not have 
behaved better. The action lasted two hours; at the expira- 
tion of which time we forced their breastworks, at the muz- 
zle of their guns; took two pieces of brass cannon, with a num- 
ber of prisoners ; but before I could get them into proper form 
again " (that is, his own men) " I received intelligence that 
there was a large reinforcement within two miles of us, on 
their march, which occasioned us to renew the attack. But, 
luckily for us, Col. Warner's regiment came up, which put a 


stop to their career. We soon rallied, and in a few minutes 
the action began very warni and desperate, — which lasted until 
night. We used their cannon against them, which proved of 
great service to us. At sunset we obliged them to retreat a 
second time. We pursued them till dark, when I was obliged 
to halt for fear of killing our men. I think in this action we 
have returned the enemy a proper compliment for their Hub- 
bardton engagement." 

It was indeed a crushing defeat for the unlucky Burgoyne ; 
writing to London, upon hearing of the defeat, he said, "The 
Hampshire Grants, a country unpeopled, and almost unknown 
in the last war (with the French) now abounds in the most 
warlike and rebellious race of the continent, and hangs like a 
gathering storm on my left." And Washington said, "One 
more such stroke and we shall have no great cause for anxiety 
as to the future designs of Britain." It was followed up by 
the surrender of Burgoyne's whole army, and that signal event 
by the alliance with France, which in effect gave us the vic- 
tory. And to this whole result Stark not only contributed, — 
but, if he had not been in New Hampshire to raise the army, 
and in Vermont to lead it, the final issue of the contest might 
have been very different. It showed, too, that the same leader, 
and the same kind of soldiers, who had defended themselves 
so gallantly and judiciously at Bunker Hill, could also assault 
and carry fortified places, defended with cannon. 

For the rest of the war, Stark was usually recruiting soldiers 
or performing guard duty in the New England states and New 
York. For both these functions he was admirably fitted ; but 
they kept Stark from winning more victory in the field. 

He was admirably equipped for this disagreeable task which 
he undertook, — that of controlling the vicious, patrolling a 
large district with a force always too small, and with little or 
no money in the military chest; while, at the same time he 
was beset with clangers and annoyances of all kinds. Albany 
and Saratoga were his chief headquarters, and how unlike these 
towns were in 1781 to their present situation in regard to the 
luxuries of life, may be seen by a statement which Stark made 
to Washington in August of that year : " There is not a drop 

mr. sanborn's address. 413 

of public rum in this department. Your excellency must know 
that, if I do my duty, I must keep scouts continually in the 
woods. — and men on that service ought to have a little grog, 
in addition to their fresh beef and water. I wish to live up to 
my station, which cannot be done on the bare allowance of a 
brigadier; for instance, a gallon of rum is $14, a pound of 
sugar $2.50, and so in proportion." 

In an earlier letter, June, 1778, to President Weare, Stark 
had related more serious difficulties, — for even scouts can get 
along without rum, much more brigadiers. " The people of 
Albany do very well in the hanging way. They hanged nine 
on the 16th of May; on the 5th of June, nine ; and they have 
1 20 in jail, of whom I believe more than half will go the same 
way. Murders and robberies are committed here every day. 
So you may judge of my situation, with the enemy in front, 
and the devil in my rear." Yet in every situation, whether of 
peace or war, Stark performed his duty, adhered to his early 
character and his popular principles, and died as he had lived, 
the advocate of " Freedom, not Conquest ; " the enemy of for- 
eign influences, boldly attacking or subtly undermining the 
institutions which Washington and his generals madejDossible, 
but which they never sought to overthrow, and never, like some 
recent generals, fond of standing armies and military glory in 
conquest, told us they were outgrown and must be thrown 
aside. As if a Constitution, sacredly established, and solemnly 
sworn to by these very epauletted jurists, could be thrown 
aside like a pair of soiled gloves, or a can of Chicago beef, 
— made to sell, like the green spectacles of Moses, the verdant, 
in Goldsmith's Vicar. It is hard to fancy Stark alive now, 
gazing on his monuments and statues, in a period when the 
Syndicate and the Trust . have supplanted fair dealing and 
equal rights; when corporations, the creatures of free govern- 
ment, seek to grasp the reins of government ; and when the 
rural democracy to which Stark belonged, and for which, and 
by the aid of which he fought, seems to be giving way to an 
oligarchy of wealth and trade. But if Stark were now alive 
with all that firm purpose and sturdy strength which withheld 
the defeat of Bunker Hill from ending in disgraceful rout, 


and snatched victory in Vermont from the hands of the confi- 
dent British aristocrats, — what would he say and do in the 
impending crisis of our national history ? Would he bid us 
follow the example of England, our old enemy, and arm our- 
selves for war against France and Russia, our ancient allies 
and friends? Would he urge us to shoot down the sons of 
liberty at Manila, as Howe and Burgoyne shot them down in 
Massachusetts and Vermont ? Would those be his orders for 
the day ? or would he not rather say, " Raise again the Granite 
State flag that was good enough to float over the gray heads 
of Langdon, Stark and Sullivan, with its noble legend, ' Free- 
dom, not conquest !' make your warships once more the refuge 
of oppressed insurgents, as when a New Hampshire commo- 
dore brought the exiled Hungarians to America ! let them not 
be the incendiaries of churches and poor men's homesteads, 
as was the British navy at Charlestown and Portland ! Turn 
ye, my countrymen, from the bloody pathway of tyranny, — for 
why will ye die righting against the God of your fathers? and 
worshiping the Golden Calf of Destiny?" 

Gentlemen, I leave it for you to say which of these con- 
trasted utterances rings most like the voice that sounded to 
victory at Bennington. 

Rear Admiral George £. Belknap, LL. D., of Boston, the 
speaker engaged for the evening, then gave an admirable 
address upon '-John Paul Jones," the intrepid naval com- 
mander of the Revolutionary War. 


In every need and emergency of national life, involving the 
conditions and the stress of war, whether in the days of anti- 
quity or of this modern age, great captains have been devel- 
oped on land and sea, who from their inborn genius for com- 
mand and intuitive capacity for the organization and the han- 
dling of large bodies of men, have led their compatriots to suc- 
cessful issues in battle, glorified their nationality, and made for 
themselves a place among the immortals of their race a* born 
leaders of men. 


Among such exceptional personages of modern times we 
may undoubtedly name Jbim Paul Jones, our great naval cap- 
tain of the Revolution. 

The son of John Paul, a reputable and well-to-do Scotch gar- 
dener, he was born at Arbigland, parish of Kirkbean, on the 
southern coast of Scotland, in July, 1747. From the moment 
of his birth he sniffed the salt sea air of Solway Firth, and as 
his infantile eyes began to look upon the things about him 
with expanding intelligence, he took in the sights of that sail- 
whitened arm of old ocean with a delight that grew more fer- 
vid with his years of increasing strength and perception until 
he could comprehend no other life, no other sphere of activity, 
than that which pertained to the sea. Every environment 
stimulated such fondness for the water and suggested the 
witcheries of its life — for the homestead was located on a 
promontory overlooking the bold and broad expanse of the 
Firth — and the child,. looking down on the numerous craft con- 
tinually passing on their commercial errands to and fro, and 
often hugging the shore at his feet, as it were, soon came to 
distinguish the differing rigs of the vessels, to understand the 
methods of their handling, and to know the orders that were 
given for the manipulation of the helm, yards, and sails, 
whether of the simple trading craft, the smart revenue cutter, 
or the king's trim ships-of-war. He' could, indeed, be no more 
kept at the spade, the hoe, and the pruning hook of his father's 
occupation than Abraham Lincoln could have been kept at 
splitting rails or continuing the work of a fiat-boatman. 

And so leading his playmates in every sport that smacked 
of boats and ships and dared the waves, his continued dream, 
his ever-growing passion, was the sea. He longed to sail over 
its vast expanse, to dare its tempests, to explore its secrets, 
and to become a skilled master of the seaman's art — the hardi- 
est, the most heroic, of all professions. No inducement could 
prevail upon him to change a purpose so deeply anchored in 
his soul, and at the age of twelve years he prevailed upon his 
parents to take him out of the parish school and bind him as 
an apprentice to a Mr. Younger, a shipping merchant in White- 


haven, on the opposite English shore, and principally engaged 
in the American trade. This was in 1759. 

Soon after such momentous step, the ambitious little young- 
ster, now happy in the prospect before him, went to sea in 
the ship Friendship, bound to the Rappahannock. Some years 
before, his brother William, considerably older than himself, 
had emigrated to Virginia, married a native of that colony, 
and settled upon a plantation at Fredericksburg. This was a 
fortunate circumstance for young Paul, giving him as it did a 
welcoming place of visit and a good chance for quiet study, 
when he could be spared from the ship, for in those days of 
small trading, slow disposal of inward cargos, and equally 
tardy receipt of outward ventures, the stays in port were often 
prolonged for months, and in such enforced waiting the Friend- 
ship formed no exception to the general experience in that 

To the ordinary seafaring youth of our subject's antecedents 
and surroundings such opportunity for mental improvement 
would most likely have been idled away; but that was neither 
his temperament nor purpose, for when he had fairly entered 
upon his cherished scheme of life, he by no means proposed 
to remain in a subordinate position. On the contrary, he 
intended from the outset to climb to the topmost round of the 
professional ladder, and achieve the distinction of rank and 
command which in his inmost soul he believed to be his des- 
tiny. And so in his stay in Virginia waters he took up at that 
formative time, with resolute diligence and persistent applica- 
tion, the study of navigation and other branches of science 
and knowledge, best calculated to equip him for the positions 
of trust and honor he meant to reach. But his connection 
with his brother had other results, for the independent life and 
the unhampered ways of the colonists in those halcyon days of 
the Old Dominion impressed his ardent imagination with an 
admiration he did not affect to conceal, and filled his receptive 
mind with a spirit of sturdiness and aspiration that bore abun- 
dant fruit to the glory of the country, and to his own renown 

Nor let it be forgotten that while he improved every spare 


moment in scholastic endeavor, he neglected none of his duties 
00 shipboard, duties performed with an intelligence and an 
alertness that commended him alike to the master of the ves- 
sel and to its owner. But in the midst of such days of prepa- 
ration and promise, his kindly patron, Mr. Younger, became 
so much embarrassed in business that he was compelled to 
abandon his shipping interests, and to cancel his young ward's 

Thus the young seaman suddenly found himself thrown 
upon his own resources, but he soon obtained the position of 
third mate on board the King George, of Whitehaven, then 
engaged in the African slave trade. He seems to have served 
on board that craft until 1766 when, now being nineteen years 
of age, he became the first mate of the brigantine Two Friends, 
of Kingston, Jamaica, also a slaver in character and pursuit. 
Two years later, having got a surfeit of that abominable busi- 
ness of man-trading and its attendant horrors of the middle 
passage, he quitted the brigantine and returned to Scotland 
as a passenger in the brigantine John, of Kirkcudbright. On 
the passage homeward both the captain and the mate sickened 
and died, and Paul, now being the most capable navigator and 
seaman on board, assumed command, and carried the vessel 
into her destined port. This to him was a stroke of good 
luck, for the owners were so much pleased at his ready 
assumption of command and skilful management that they 
immediately appointed him as master and supercargo of the 

Let me digress a moment here to say that British writers, 
ever virulent in their criticisms of Jones, his life and charac- 
ter, have generally denounced him in unmeasured terms for 
his five years' service on board the two slavers, King George 
and the Two Friends, but if there is any topic in the world's 
history that Englishmen should be especially reticent or mod- 
est about, it is the story of the rise, the furtherance, and long- 
continued infamy of the African slave trade. 

Begun by that typical Englishman of his time, stout John 
Hawkins, in 1562 ; fostered and encouraged by Queen Bess 
through the contributions of her purse, the loan of her ships, 


and her unblushing attitude as an eager sharer in the profits 
of the traffic, it continued under the protection of English law 
and the countenance of the Crown until 1807, when it was 
abolished by act of Parliament. 

Moreover, although Lord Mansfield had rendered his mem- 
orable decision in 1772, declaring that the moment a slave set 
his foot on British soil he became a free man, yet fourteen years 
later, or in 1786, and long after Jones's connection with a 
slaver, one hundred and thirty vessels were employed, under 
the British flag, in the man-trading business, and carried off 
from the African shores, in that one year alone, some 42,000 
of the wretched captives to be sold as slaves wherever they 
were marketable; nor was it until 1834, despite Lord Mans- 
field's dictum, as you will remember, that slavery was finally 
abolished in the British West Indies. 

In view of such facts, and many more that might be cited, 
it behooves British writers to be a little less boastful of the 
final judgment and actions of Britons with regard to slavery 
and its abominable concomitants of cruelty and wrong, and to 
abate somewhat their Pecksniffian expressions of opinion, not 
only as to the past connection of our people with that villain- 
ous institution, but as regards our differing modes of proced- 
ure and conduct in other directions that go to make up the 
characteristics of national life and ordering. Recent events, 
indeed, go to show that a new light has dawned upon the Brit- 
ish mind concerning things and doings on this side of the 
water, and from the haunts of the penny-a-liner in Grub street 
to the chambers of the prime mirfister in Downing street, the 
erstwhile harp of disparagement and disdain is now attuned 
to notes of pride in kinship and syren suggestions of quasi 
alliance, for mutual commercial defense and expansion. As, 
in truth, the average Britisher dearly loves a lord, so does he 
profoundly respect the spirit and pluck of a people who force 
him with an undaunted front and indomitable resolution that 
knows no fear and brooks no international meddling. In 
Brother Jonathan, John Bull has now found such type of man, 
such impersonation of nationality and imperial strength, and 
perforce, he governs himself accordingly. Nevertheless, it 


behooves Jonathan to keep his weather eye ever open, for the 
Bull is tireless and indefatigable in every direction of effort 
towards the maintenance of his maritime dominance and the 
extension of his sphere of influence — commercial and political. 
Not at the Philippines is he now directing the most subtle 
wiles of his diplomacy, but at the strategic points of Nicaragua 
and the golden-laden regions of Alaska. While he pats Dewey 
on the back, and contemplates with smiling complacency our 
gathering of Philippine chestnuts and the establishment of the 
open door there, he quietly works at the nearer problem of 
Nicaragua canal control and the grabbing of Alaskan terri- 
tory — a grabbing that never would have been thought of but 
for the discovery of gold in that inhospitable possession, and 
the continued prodding of the Queen's government by our 
greedy neighbors of the Dominion north of us. 

But to return from this digression, our adventurer, as British 
writers have been wont to call him, after voyaging some time 
in the brigantine/c?////, left that vessel, for reasons not clearly 
given, and took command of the Betsey, a vessel of similar rig 
and also engaged in the West India trade. In such abandon- 
ment oijohti for Betsey, I feel sure that no woman here pres- 
ent to-night will find fault, for it was a natural thing to do. 

Yet the incipient hero soon forsook the Betsey and went to 
Virginia to take charge of his brother's estate, his brother hav- 
ing suddenly died intestate and without children. This was 
in 1773. The estate seems to have been considerable for the 
time, and its management demanded a far different experience 
and knowledge than the life and ways on shipboard had 
required. It was also at this time, according to all accounts, 
that John Paul assumed, in addition to his surname, the patro- 
nymic of Jones. Why such addition was made none of his 
biographers seem to have known, but as a matter of fact the 
Christian name of John was generally eliminated thereafter, 
and he became thenceforth plain Paul Jones. 

Jones continued to administer the affairs of his deceased 
brother's estate until the outbreak of the Revolution. Now 
had come his opportunity. Like most sailors who had under- 
taken farming, he had made a poor fist at it, and the echoes 

42 o 


of Lexington and Bunker Hill sounded joyfully in his ears and 
thrilled his soul with delight. 

Burning with desire to battle once more with the breeze and 
wave, and to meet the enemy on his own accustomed element, 
he at once tendered his services to congress, which were 
gladly accepted. 

On the 22d of December, 1775, congress appointed one 
commander-in-chief, four captains, and five first lieutenants, 
Jones standing as the senior officer of the latter grade. 

His first service was as first lieutenant of the flagship Alfred, 
thirty guns and three hundred men. With his own hands, 
when she was put into commission, he ran the pine-tree flag 
up to her masthead amidst an acclaim and enthusiasm that 
bespoke the patriotic thought and fervid purpose that pervaded 
the entire ship's company. He was then in his twenty-ninth 
year. Of medium height and light, graceful figure, his every 
movement instinct with energy and alertness, and a counte- 
nance tinged with a sober melancholy and sternness of expres- 
sion that forbade too much familiarity, his bearing was both 
distinguished and officer-like. His qualities as a dashing, 
skilful seaman could not be gainsaid, nor his forceful quali- 
fications for command be denied. Experienced and self- 
respecting, and chivalrously according to all others their just 
rights, he ever stood tenaciously for what he regarded his own 
just due, and thus awoke at times the jealousies and under- 
handed work of inferior men, a sort who lived in that day as 
well as in this. 

But to skim over the record, after much valiant service on 
board the Alfred, and subsequently in command of the sloop 
Providence, in which duties Jones illustrated his exceptional 
genius for the tactics of the sea, and his clear apprehension of 
the amenities and discipline necessary to constitute an effi- 
cient ship-of-war, he was commissioned as a captain in the 
navy. Congress, in appreciation of his ability and zealous 
conduct, at first intended to despatch him to France with an 
order to the American commissioners there to purchase a suit- 
able ship for service in British waters, and to invest him with 
its command. 


But in those days, as well as in these, plans were often 
changed, and on the 14th of June, 1777, Jones received orders 
to assume command of the ship Ranger, eighteen guns, then 
building at Portsmouth, N. H. 

On that same summer's day of Jones's commission, the con- 
gress decreed the main features- of the flag which we all so honor 
and love to-day, and under which so many men have fought 
and died, and Jones had the undying privilege of being the first 
officer to display it from the peak of an American man-of-war 
when the Ranger was commissioned, adding to the glory of 
the act by hoisting it with his own hands, as he had similarly 
done with the pine-tree flag on board the Alfred, two years 

When Jones reached Portsmouth he found the ship in a very 
backward state of readiness. But the Republic was then, as 
we know, in a tentative state, its resources undeveloped, its 
financial means pitiful, and its naval stores, with the exception 
of ship timber, scant. There were then no great centers of 
supply, such as we have to-day, and every incident in the 
building and equipping of ships involved vexatious delay and 
the skimping of outfits. Even at this time, when we have 
taken upon us obligations of international concern that will 
render our liability to meet the conditions of war far more likely 
and graver than ever before, we have seen congress adjourn 
without providing the means for the quality of armor neces- 
sary to make our latest authorized ships equal in resisting 
power to those of foreign navies, and delaying authorized con- 
struction, that may some day cost our naval arms a great dis- 

Despite all of Jones's energetic efforts, it took him more than 
four months to fully equip and man the Ranger, but finally on 
the first of November, 1777, he was enabled to put to sea, 
although he lamented her v deficiency of stores, and especially 
that there were only thirty gallons of rum in her spirit room 
for the refreshment of the crew when off soundings — a lament 
that would sound in unsympathetic ears at this day, and espe- 
cially here in New Hampshire, if all reports are true as to 
recent legislative action. Her battery consisted of eighteen 


six-pounders — an armament that seems ridiculously weak at 
this day but which Jones found to be quite heavy enough for 
that vessel, for he found her to be a crank, slow-sailing craft, 
and on the passage across the Atlantic he struck some of her 
guns below. 

The passage occupied thirty-one days, and the first port made 
was Nantes, France. Two prizes had been captured on the 
run out and sent into port, the forerunner of many other losses 
to the British flag which Jones was to inflict. 

Soon after arriving in European waters he fell in with the 
ship of a French admiral, from whom he had the honor of re- 
ceiving, as he says in his journal, the first salute ever given to 
the flag by a foreign power — its first recognition on the ocean 
as the insignia of nationality of a new power that demanded to 
be respected. 

This third incident pertaining to the new flag — that flag 
which the Chinese called "as beautiful as a flower " when 
they first beheld it from a ship's peak in Canton river, added 
another incident, if true, of glory to the swelling fame of 
Jones ; but Admiral Preble, in his exhaustive history of the 
American flag, states that the brig, Andrew Dorea, Captain 
Robinson, called in the summer of 1776 at the island of St. 
Eustatia, where he saluted the Dutch flag and received a 
return salute from the governor, who was subsequently removed 
for his alleged indiscretion. The flag so saluted must have 
been the first continental flag without the present union, for 
the stars of the present ensign were not combined with the 
stripes until June, 1777, as already stated. 

But as regards the flag it was a long time before uniformity 
was established. When, indeed, Vermont and Kentucky were 
admitted into the Union, an act was passed to take effect in 
May, 1795, increasing the stars and stripes in the flag from 
thirteen to fifteen, and such continued to be the flag for twen- 
ty-three years. After several other states had been admitted 
to statehood, however, the absurdity of increasing the number 
of stripes every time a new state came into the Union became 
but too manifest, wherefore, in 18 18, congress, by enactment, 
restored the original thirteen stripes of white and red to repre- 


sent the original number of the states, and directing that white 
stars be placed in the blue field of the union to stand for each 
and every state — present and to come. Thus we now have in 
the blue field of the union forty-five stars. Had the practice 
continued of adding a fresh stripe on the admission of every 
new state, the flag would now have more stripes than a zebra 
displays on its skin, and present an appearance trivial and 
meaningless in the extreme. 

But up to the outbreak of the Rebellion there was great 
carelessness in the make-up of the flag — outside army and 
navy uses — not only on shore but on shipboard. Sometimes 
a red stripe would be placed next under the blue union which 
marred the effect — a mistake often made by foreign flag-mak- 
ers, but the chief error was the manner of placing the stars on 
the blue field of the union. On some flags they were ranged 
in concentric circles, with a star in each corner of the union ; 
in others one big star in the center, built up of smaller stars, 
was seen. Then again the proper number of stars was neg- 
lected, especially in the merchant marine, and Admiral Preble 
tells us that on the 4th of July, 1857, a gentleman of New 
York amused himself in hunting up the differing ensigns flung 
to the breeze in that city on that day. Their number amounted 
to nine — not one of which was lawfully fashioned. 

The American commissioners, Benjamin Franklin, Silas 
Deane, and Arthur Lee, had been secretly building a fine fri- 
gate in Holland to which Jones was to have been appointed to 
the command, but the British minister at Amsterdam got wind 
of such facts and protested so vigorously to the Dutch govern- 
ment against such action that the project had to be abandoned. 

Jones, thus obliged to remain for the time being in the 
smaller command of the Jwinger, and following up the previous 
brilliant raiding work of the Reprisal and Lexington, Surprise, 
and the Revenge, in British waters, now set about a varied and 
romantic cruise of daring and harassment in that quarter, as 
successful as it was daring and audacious. Knowing the 
waters well in every part, he appeared at the most unexpected 
points with a suddenness and impunity that threw the^good 
folk of the British Isles into throes of bewilderment. No town 


was safe from visitation, no single ship secure from an attack, 
and no harbor so well guarded that he could not force his way 
into it. British merchants were seized with such panic that 
they forsook their own bottoms and shipped their goods abroad 
either under the French or Dutch flags to ensure their safe 
transportation. Here was a case when Britannia no longer 
ruled the wave, and the average Britisher contemplated such 
loss of prestige so humiliating to him with an exasperation that 
knew no bounds. 

One of his deeds of audacity was this : On the evening of 
the 23d of April, 1778, he anchored off the mouth of the river 
Dee, on the west coast of Scotland, and landed a force on St. 
Mary's island, where the Earl of Selkirk had a country seat. 
Jones's object was to seize the earl, carry him on board ship, 
and hold him as a hostage of exchange for Americans who were 
languishing in British prisons, amidst privations and cruelties 
that would have put to shame the barbarities then practised 
by the deys of Algiers or Morocco. The earl, luckily for him- 
self, was not at home; the expedition, therefore, only resulted 
in the agreeable hour that Jones spent with the countess and 
her fair, companions. Some of his crew, however, carried off 
five hundred dollars' worth of the family plate, which Jones in 
due season restored to the earl and his countess with expres- 
sions of regret at such untoward action of the blue-jackets. 

The earl was at first disposed to refuse the proffered return, 
on the ground that Jones was a pirate and felon beyond the 
amenities of civilization, but he finally concluded to recognize 
Jones's generosity and to make cold acknowlegment to him 
for his chivalrous action, for the crew of the Ranger had made 
way with a portion of the plate, and Jones had bought it back 
with his own funds to enable him to return it as proposed. 

Immediately after this affair Jones ran over to Carrick- 
fergus, on the Irish coast, to tempt a meeting with the British 
sloop-of-war Drake. He had entered that port once before at 
night to surprise her and attempt her capture, but at the cru- 
cial moment the wind failed him, for there was no steam in 
those days, and an adverse tide completed his discomfiture. 
It was only through superb seamanship, indeed, and a grim 

admiral belknap's address. 425 

determination that never failed him, that allowed him to get 
safely out of the port without loss or damage of any sort. 

Now by a ruse-de-guerre he succeeded in drawing the Drake 
out of the harbor. This was on the evening of the 24th of 
April, 1778. 

As the British ship ran out into the channel she was accom- 
panied at a safe distance by five small craft crowded with peo- 
ple, filled with desire to see a sea fight, while the shores were 
lined with spectators with the same object in view, and all 
filled with the anticipation of victory to their flag. When the 
Drake had reached mid-channel, Jones hove to, cleared ship 
for action, and coolly waited her coming. The suspense was 
brief, for the Drake was under all sail, and soon Captain Bur- 
ton, the British commander, got near enough to hail and de- 
mand to know the Ra?iger's name and business. "The Ameri- 
can continental ship Ranger," was the swift response, " and 
ready to meet you at the muzzles of your guns." Then, without 
further parley, Jones put up his helm and poured a full broad- 
side into his antagonist. The Drake instantly returned the 
fire ; the battle, a close yard-arm to yard-arm fight, went on, 
and was waged most valiantly for an hour and four minutes, 
when the enemy struck. 

The ships were of the same class, but in the number of guns 
and men the British vessel was clearly the superior. 

Captain Burton and his first lieutenant were mortally 
wounded, and the Drake was much cut up in her sails, rig- 
ging, and spars, and her loss in killed and wounded was 26 
per cent, of her officers and crew ; while the Ratiger came out 
of the fight with a loss of but 6 per cent, of her ship's com- 
pany, and with so slight damage that every hurt was put in 
good repair before daylight the next morning. 

The fight was a brilliant one from beginning to end. In its 
every phase and incident Jones not only showed his superior- 
ity as a seaman, but illustrated his transcendent ability as a 
fighting commander, while the good gunnery and intrepid con- 
duct of his officers and men gave notice to the seamen of 
Great Britain, who claimed to be lords of the wave, that^they 
must fight better than they had ever fought before if they 


expected to overmatch in quality, and outdo in valor, the men 
who were now bearing a new flag upon the ocean. 

Jones, now running northward with his prize, passed through 
North Channel into the Atlantic, and skirting the western 
coast of Ireland, made for Brest, where he safely arrived with 
both ships on the 8th of May. 

When we recall the fact that during all this time numerous 
British cruisers had been diligently seeking Jones and his gal- 
lant colleagues of two other small ships, in order to capture 
or destroy them and their audacious craft, we must say, with 
an eminent historian, that the " daring and success of Jones's 
short cruise of twenty-eight days in the Irish Channel and 
German Ocean are unsurpassed in the annals of the sea." 

All England was astounded at the work of the active rebel 
and his gallant compeers. His name, indeed, became a syno- 
nym of terror all along the coasts of the British Isles. Unruly 
children were threatened with visitations of that dreaded man 
if they did not mend their ways, just as a generation later 
Napoleon's name was used to terrorize naughty little Britons 
into obedience. Nor let it be forgotten that the British min- 
istry so far lost their heads as to proclaim Jones as a pirate 
to be hanged at short order if captured, although he bore the 
commission of the Continental Congress and was no more 
pirate than any man who, though born a British subject, was 
now, both on land and sea, in rebellion against the Crown. 

In this limning of Jones's career up to this point I have 
only attempted to portray its most salient features, for to tell 
all the incidents of his adventures and exploits in face of 
overwhelming odds would take too much time, and must be 

In May, 1778, Jones having put into Brest, as we have 
already seen, now relinquished command of the Ranger, and 
was succeeded in command by his first lieutenant, Lieutenant 
Simpson. But for the purposes of this paper we follow no 
further the fortunes of that vessel than to say that she sub- 
sequently participated in the capture of eleven vessels of the 
English merchant marine, but that in 1779, having put in at 
Charlestown, South Carolina, she shared the destiny of other 


national ships at that time in being called upon to surrender 
to the British forces, when' that harbor and city were captured 
by the British army and fleet. 

Jones, in the meanwhile, had been promised a new and 
larger ship and a squadron command, but the intrigues of the 
time at the French court, its tortuous policy, and the differ- 
ences among the American commissioners, defeated all unity 
of purpose, blasted his expectations in every direction of aspi- 
ration and endeavor, and threw him hopelessly upon his own 
wits of resource and pluck. 

Lee seems to have been the marplot of the commission, and 
he denounced Jones "as a rascal in league with the other ras- 
cal Franklin," and protested in a letter to a member of con- 
gress against Jones being kept upon a cruising job of Chau- 
mont, a Frenchman in Paris, and Dr. Franklin, and predicted 
that "Jones would go over to the enemy." 

In the midst of such depreciation, such vicious discourage- 
ment, the resolute will, versatile character, and unconquerable 
determination of Jones shone forth with all the glow of a mid- 
day sun. Brushing aside with all the scorn his restless tem- 
perament and intrepid spirit could make manifest against such 
unworthy and malicious aspersions, he set about with dauntless 
purpose and untiring effort to create and equip a squadron in 
order to harass the sea enemy more effectively than he had 
hitherto been able to do. After many delays and countless 
obstacles deliberately thrown across his path, or " athwart his 
hawse " as a seaman would say, on every hand, he secured a 
rotten old East India merchant ship, and converted her into 
an indifferent frigate of 42 guns, which he named the Bon Homme 
Richard. He also managed to collect four other vessels, the 
Alliance of 32 guns, the Pallas, 30 guns, the Cerf Cutter, 18 
guns, and the brig Vengeance, of unknown battery, but manned 
by wretched crews and commanded by indifferent French offi- 
cers who had no real sympathy for the American cause. Un- 
fortunately, the squadron so constituted never accomplished 
much as a concentrated force, though for the Bon Honune 
Richard, Jones made a name imperishable. The story of his 
efforts in France for many weary months was but a chronicle 



of a lack of funds, difficulty of getting crews, powerlessness of 
our commissioners at the French court, tortuous methods of 
Jthe French ministry, and traitorous conduct of French naval 
officers who had taken service under congress. That Jones 
overcame so much obstruction, persistent, appalling, and 
treacherous, is a great tribute to his indefatigable efforts, his 
surpassing genius and resolute character, as well as a crown of 
glory to him as one of the great sea-kings in the world's his- 

But it was on the afternoon of the 23d of September that 
the greatest thing of his life came to him. It was then that 
being off Flamborough Head, on the northeast coast of Eng- 
land with his flag-ship, the Bon Homme Richard, the Allia?ice, 
Captain Landais, the Pallas, Captain Cottineau, and the Ve?i- 
geance, he discovered coming around the Head, a fleet of Brit- 
ish merchantmen, under convoy of the British frigate, Serapis, 
of 50 guns, and the small frigate, Countess of Scarborough, of 
20 guns of the calibre of the day. At sight of Jones's squad- 
ron, Captain Pearson of the Serapis made signal for the con- 
voy to scatter, but the wind was light and it was not until 7 
o'clock in the evening that Jones could engage the Serapis, 
the Pallas meanwhile seeking battle with the Countess of Scar- 
borough, while the Alliance, under Landais's command, treach- 
erously kept out of harm's way. 

To give the full story of that fight, one of the most cele- 
brated and significant in all naval history, is beyond the scope 
•of this paper. Many diffuse accounts of that action have been 
given because of its exceptional character and determining in- 
fluences, and English writers have exhausted their powers of 
excuse to account for the defeat of one of the best ships of war 
of that time by a vessel of provincial and rebel America. 

Suffice it to say that after an hour's cannonade and manoeuvre, 
the two ships came together; yard-arm to yard-arm, the bow 
of the one lashed to the stern of the other, through the skill, 
the determined effort, and the peerless courage of Jones, and 
for three and one half hours the fight raged between the Bon 
Homme Richard and the Serapis, with a determination and a 
valor that bespoke the incarnation of war's fiercest work; a 


rage of battle, a grim inheritance of man's original nature that 
civilization may modify, but can never wholly suppress. Many 
incidents of the battle were unparalleled in naval annals. The 
Serapis was a fine new ship, superior to the Bon Homme Rich- 
ard in every respect, whether we consider the build of the 
ship, the character of her appointments, the homogeneity of her 
crew, and the opportunities of their training. 

The one represented a service centuries old, of high disci- 
pline and thorough organization, with a wealth of valorous 
achievement back of it that no other navy in the world could 
boast. The other stood for a new service, provincial in char- 
acter, hurriedly organized, and acting under laws and regula- 
tions not yet fairly systematized, and of sufficiently mandatory 
authority to enforce the necessary discipline that ships of war 
must ever have to be effective and worthy of the name. 

That under such conditions Jones achieved the wonderful 
victory he did, astonished the naval world then as it still pro- 
foundly impresses naval men to-day. Several times during 
the fight his motley crew wanted him to surrender, but his 
unconquerable will, his imperious personality, and unquailing 
port compelled them to obedience. And when, in the midst 
of the action, the British captain hailed Jones to knew if he 
had surrendered, and Jones made reply, " I have not yet begun 
to fight," he displayed a pluck and intrepid belief in himself 
never surpassed in the annals of heroism. It was, in fact, his 
overmastering individuality, his iron-bound will, and dogged 
pluck alone that carried the fight along amidst all its incidents 
and vicissitudes of conduct and slaughter and won the victory. 
And at what cost ! Of his 304 souls on board the Richard, he 
lost 69 killed and 67 wounded. Of the 320 souls on board 
the Serapis, 49 were killed and 68 wounded, or a grand total of 
233 for the two ships. Over the scandalous actions of Captain 
Landais on that memorable evening let the mantle of oblivion 
be thrown. Suffice it to say that he was subsequently dis- 
missed both from the French navy and our own. 

One incident of the combat had, perhaps, no parallel in sea 
annals. That was the necessity that compelled Jones to aban- 
don his own battered ship and shift his Mag and crew to his 


prize. We know that at the battle of Lake Erie, Perry was 
compelled to shift his flag from the Lawrence to the Niagara, 
but this abandonment by Jones of his sinking ship, and the 
transfer of his officers and men to the deck of the defeated 
enemy, was a different matter. 

Of this right, of such significant consequence and celebrity, 
Prof. John Knox Laughton, an English writer, says, in his 
" Studies in Naval History," that "Jones's conduct as the cap- 
tain of a ship-of-vvar throughout the action was beyond all 
praise. His ship was in every way inferior to the Seraph, and 
Pearson was a man of known courage and of good repute. It 
is impossible to overrate the ability, the pluck, the determina- 
tion, and the presence of mind with which Jones fought and 
won the battle. It was Jones, Jones alone, rather than the 
Bon Homme Richard, who first beat Pearson to a standstill." 

This is praise from Sir Hubert indeed, but, as in other parts 
of his sketch, Mr. Laughton treats of Jones as an adventurer 
and smuggler, filled with vainglory and conceit and devoid of 
all sense of morality, we may abate our appreciation somewhat 
as to his testimony to the heroic qualities of our hero, who 
stands in such romantic relation to the American people as 
the first great sea king of the country. 

This ballad, familiar to London's streets a hundred years 
ago, suggests, among other things, the popular English impres- 
sion of Jones and his prowess : 

Of heroes and statesmen, I '11 just mention four 

That cannot be matched if we trace the world o'er ; 

For none of such fame ever stept o'er the stones, 

As Germain, Jemmy Tvvitcher, Lord North, and Paul Jones. 

Through a mad-headed war which Old England will rue, 
At London, at Dublin, and Edinburgh too, 
The tradesmen stand still, and the merchant bemoans 
The losses he meets with from such as Faul Jones. 

If success to our fleets be not quickly restored, 

The leaders in office to shove from the board, 

May they all fare alike, and the Dev'l pick the bones 

Of Germain, Jemmy Twitcher, Lord North, and Paul Jones. 

While all England was stunned with the news of the capture 
of the Serapis, no greater tribute could have been paid Co the 


superb achievement of Jones than the action of the British 
Crown in making a baronet of Captain Pearson for his stout 
conduct and undoubted gallantry in the fight, which, though 
resulting in the loss of his own ship and the Scarborough, ena- 
bled the rich convoy to make its escape and reach its destina- 
tion. When Jones heard of it, he jocularly said that nothing 
would delight him more than to give the king a chance to 
make his gallant opponent a lord! But, unfortunately, per- 
haps for both, he never got the chance ! 

When Jones had completely possessed himself of his noble 
prize, made good some of her worst hurts, and seen the Botr 
Homme Richard go down from the sore battering she had 
received in the conflict, he sailed with his little squadron for 
the Texel. 

Soon after his arrival there, the pressure of the British gov- 
ernment, after much contention, compelled the government of 
Holland to order Jones out of her waters. Shifting his flag to 
the Alliance sloop-of-war, he went fearlessly out in the face of 
the British fleet, passed so close to Dover that he counted 
the English men-of-war in the Downs, and made the port of 
Coruna in safety. 

On reaching Paris he was showered with honors on every 
hand, but a man of his ardent temperament could not rest 
content with affairs of mere compliment, and he sought an- 
other command commensurate with his ability and achieve- 
ments. In that he was disappointed, and, to add to his vexa- 
tion, was the continued impertinence and insubordinate con- 
duct of Captain Landais, who seems to have been endowed 
with all the meaner qualities of the Frenchman, with none of 
his graces. The disposition of prizes, and the differences 
among the American commissioners, also together with the 
hampering -methods of the French foreign office, made his 
position at the French capital unbearable, and so he sailed for 
the United States in the Ariel, arriving in New York in the 
fall of 1780. 

His reception was alike honorable to the country and grati- 
fying to him. All doors were opened to him with prokisest 
hospitality. The leading men of the land vied with one 


another in paying him every attention. Congress also voted 
him a gold medal, and placed him at the head of the navy; 
and, seeking to do him still further honor, assigned him to the 
command of the line-of-battle ship America, then building at 
Portsmouth, New Hampshire, the first ship of the line built 
on this continent. 

The ship was still on the stocks, and when Jones arrived at 
Portsmouth to hasten her launch and outfit, he found her not 
half built, and neither timbers, iron, nor any other material in 
store to complete her construction. But Jones with his accus- 
tomed energy tided over the difficulties that confronted him in 
so far as was possible, and before winter her construction 
was considerably advanced. 

Meanwhile the enemy learning what was going on towards 
her completion, took secret measures to compass her destruc- 
tion, but Jones having been apprised of such movement, asked 
the state of New Hampshire for a guard. The legislature 
voted to supply it, but the guard was never forthcoming. On 
further information of the plot furnished by General Washing- 
ton, Mr. Hackett, the master builder in charge, mounted guard 
with his ship carpenters at night. In such work Jones took 
command of the watch in turn with Mr. Hackett, and it is said 
that for some time he paid the men's wages out of his own 
pocket. The story also runs that large whale boats of the 
enemy, pulled under muffled oars, often passed up and down 
the river close to the ship, but never ventured to attempt a 

But in the midst of these zealous efforts of Jones there came 
to him another great disappointment, for in the summer of 
1782, the French line-of-battle ship Magnifique having been lost 
in Boston harbor, congress, by its resolve, presented the America 
to the French king, our then helpful ally. This, it may be well 
understood, was a crushing blow to the hopes and ambition of 
Jones, for he had indulged in full anticipation of the day when 
with a fine battle ship under his command he could once more 
meet and engage the enemy, and perhaps make another British 
lord ! 

But pocketing his chagrin and disappointment as bravely as 


might be, he continued by request, his supervision of the ship's 
completion, and diligently urged on the work until her success- 
ful launching in November, 1782. 

The difficulties attending the launch were great. The water 
of the harbor where her ways were laid was much circum- 
scribed and ledgy, and the tides were exceptionally fickle and 
strong, but accomplished seaman as Jones was, he overcame 
all obstacles by the wisdom of his preparations, and not a hitch 
of any sort occurred to mar the success of the occasion. An 
interesting account in detail of these proceedings and Jones's 
connection with Portsmouth, will be found in Admiral Preble's 
History of the Navy Yard there, prepared by order of the 
Navy Department some years ago. 

It only remains to add to this sketch of necessary limitation 
that soon after the launching of the America Jones quitted 
Portsmouth for good, and the near approach of peace precluded 
him from further opportunity of serving his adopted country 
on the sea. 

In every phase of his naval career he had commanded the 
esteem of Franklin and his hearty support. Jefferson had also 
styled him as "the hope of our future efforts on the ocean," 
and it was proposed to create the grade of Rear Admiral for 
him, but that was never done, for congress has generally been 
slow to give adequate recognition of the deeds of her men of 
the sea. To this rule, however, the recent action of congress 
with regard to Dewey makes happy exception. 

For sometime after the Revolution, Jones was engaged in 
Paris on matters relating to the distribution of the prize money 
won by him and his gallant compeers during the war. Subse- 
quently he visited Denmark on public business, and in 1788 
entered the Russian service with the rank of Rear Admiral, 
reserving the right to return to the orders of congress when he 
should be required to do so. In a campaign against the Turks 
he displayed his wonted skill and intrepidity, but owing to 
intrigues in the squadron against the foreigner, which frustrated 
his hopes of obtaining an independent command, he returned 
to St. Petersburg, and having been granted leave of absence 
by the Russian government, returned to Paris in broken health. 


In 1792 our government sent him an appointment as commis- 
sioner and consul of the United States to Algiers, but before 
such commission reached him he died. He was then only 
forty-five years of age. In that brief time he had made a name 
that will never die, but like all men of genius and marked 
ability, he had many detractors, some of whom were of his own 

His journal and letters to the Marine Committee of congress 
show that he was a man of exceptional grasp and forceful 
character; that his ideas of naval methods and discipline, and 
his suggestions as to the advantages of high rank were not 
only sound and comprehensive, but such as may be well fol- 
lowed to-day. Denounced as an American pirate by George 
III in a manifesto to the States General of Holland, the Amer- 
ican people took him into their heart of hearts as a valiant 
seaman who had done most brilliant work for their righteous 
cause; while the peoples of the continent, remembering the 
piratical depredations of Hawkins and Drake in Elizabeth's 
reign, shrugged their shoulders in scorn at such foolish charac- 
terization of the stupid king. 

Francis Marion, John Stark, and Paul Jones were perhaps, 
in popular estimation, the most romantic figures in the Revo- 
lution ; but to Jones we must accord more, for as the most dis- 
tinguished and ablest representative of the Continental Navy, 
he stood for the sea, as Washington stood for the land, in the 
momentous struggle that achieved our independence. 

But further, as Farragut was our greatest naval hero of the 
War of the Rebellion, Macdonough the ablest of naval captains 
in the War of 1812, and Dewey the most distinguished figure of 
this Spanish war — whether of land or sea — so was Paul Jones 
our greatest sea king in the days of the Revolution. . Grand 
seaman, consummate commander, dauntless fighter, we part 
with you with great regret in the considerations of this hour, 
but your name will ever be ranked with the immortals in the 
resplendent roll of the mightiest men of our country's sword ! 


At its conclusion, the thanks of the Society were presented 
to the speaker, and a request made for a copy of the address. 

James G. Chesley was elected an active member of the 

At 9 130 p. m. adjourned to the call of the president. 

The meeting in April, 1899, was held on the 12th inst., at 
2 o'clock in the afternoon, the president in the chair. The 
address was delivered by Samuel Collins Beane, D. D., of New- 
buryport, Mass., the subject of which was " Gen. Enoch Poor." 


It is genealogically recorded that the first person now known 
to have borne the name of Poor was Roger, a chaplain in the 
army of William of Normandy. Of him it was said that partly 
owing to his short prayers he enjoyed great popularity with 
the soldiers. In this mental trait the subject of this paper did 
justice to his lineage, being a man of timely action, deliberate 
but unfaltering purpose, sententious speech, and great popu- 

That early Roger Poor became bishop of Sarum, then Lord 
High Chancellor of England, governing the kingdom a short 
time as regent. Among other high ecclesiastics of the name 
was Richard, bishop of Chichester and dean of Sarum, who 
oversaw and partly directed the building of the magnificent 
Salisbury cathedral. 

Daniel Poor, the great-grandfather of our general, came 
from the south of England in 1638, as a passenger in the ship 
Bevis, and joined his older brothers, John and Samuel, who 
were already residents of Newbury, in Massachusetts. Six 
years later we find him among the first settlers of Cochiche- 
wick, which place, in 1646, received the name of Andover, 
from the English town whence so many of its settlers had 
come. Here Daniel was married to Mary Farnham, who had 
migrated hither from the mother country in 1635. Here, too, 
he built a garrison house for a home on the east bank of the 
Shawsheen river, a mile from its junction with the Merrimack ; 
where, living an honest, laborious, and devoutly religious life, 


he became the father of two sons and nine daughters, was 
selectman of the town, and member of the first military com- 
pany for protection against the savages. His son, Daniel, 2d, 
marrying Mehitable Osgood, had nineteen children, including 
Thomas, the father of the general, — this Thomas being at the 
siege of Louisburg in 1745, under Gen. William Pepperell. 

Here at Andover the family remained, and here, June 21, 
1736, was born Enoch Poor, of the fourth American genera- 
tion, the birthplace being still marked and honored, though 
the family mansion has been removed, in the present town of 
North Andover. It is close to the Merrimack and Shawsheen 
rivers, about a mile from the present North Andover station 
on the main line of the western division of the Boston & Maine 

The early life of Enoch Poor was that of the farmer's boy 
of one hundred and fifty years ago, with plenty of hardship, 
little schooling, and no luxuries or gay diversions. He served 
his time as a cabinet-maker, and that he was proficient in his 
work is indisputably proved by a desk from his hand and 
tools, which descended to his grandson, the late Bradbury 
Poor Cilley of Manchester, N. H., which is still in the posses- 
sion of the family, and whose ingenious contrivance, whose 
elegant cherry-wood finish, and whose seven secret spring- 
drawers adroitly planned to outwit the skilfulest burglar, I 
have had great interest and wonder in examining. The men- 
tal ingenuity and patience here betokened must have been 
valuable in war and statecraft. 

In 1755 Enoch Poor as a private, and his brother Thomas 
as a captain, enlisted in the French and Indian War, joining 
the expedition under Gen. John Winslow for the subjection of 
the French inhabitants of Nova Scotia, and the protection of 
that peninsula from the government of France. Enoch was 
then nineteen years old. 

Such was the strong blood, and such the hardy and varied 
training, of this patriot and hero of the American Revolution. 

In 1760, or a little later, Enoch Poor had removed to Exeter, 
N. H., there exchanging the trade of cabinet-maker for the 
vocation of ship-builder. 


From an early period Exeter derived much importance and 
gained much profit from the construction of sailing craft. As 
early as 165 1 we find on the Exeter river a vessel of about 
fifty tons, and the business grew into the production for mar- 
ket, at home and in England, of the largest ocean ships of 
that period. With rare and partial interruptions this enter- 
prise continued until the war with Great Britain in 1812. 

Not long after his removal to Exeter, Poor returned to his 
native town to claim in marriage the hand of Martha, daughter 
of Col. John Osgood, which marital purpose his invincible 
affection and manly determination succeeded in accomplishing 
in spite of the objections of the young lady's parents. Tradi- 
tion colors this quest and its triumph with a charm of adven- 
ture and romance. 

In 1765 we find the name of Enoch Poor, then a young man 
of twenty-nine years, signed with the names of thirty other 
men to an agreement to combine for the maintenance of peace 
and the suppression of lawlessness, in view of the almost un- 
controllable indignation of the people caused by the Stamp 

In 1770 the town took action for the encouragement of 
home products and against the use of unnecessary articles of 
importation, especially against the purchase of tea until the 
oppressive duty on that article should be removed ; and of the 
committee of six to instruct the representatives in this matter, 
he was one. In 1774, the town having voted to adopt the 
non-importation agreement passed by the Continental Congress, 
a committee to cause the enforcement of the act contained the 
then familiar name of Enoch Poor. Of the three Provincial 
Congresses held in 1775, P° or was a member of two, being 
prevented from participating in the third by his other patriotic 

The battle of Lexington, April 19, 1775, caused about 1,200 
New Hampshire men to rally to the neighborhood of Boston, 
but it was an informal enlistment, and many volunteers soon 
returned to their homes. On May 17th of that memorable 
year the Provincial Congress of New Hampshire decided to 
raise 2,000 men, to be formed into three regiments, those who 


had remained of the 1,200 around Boston, organized now 
under the authority oi the Massachu setts convention, to be 
counted as two of the New Hampshire regiments, and the 
third to be enlisted immediately Vithin the state. To the 
raising of this regiment Enoch Poor devoted himself with 
characteristic energy, and was by the New Hampshire Assem- 
bly, then sitting at Exeter, appointed its colonel. This was 
properly the First New Hampshire Regiment, but out of defer- 
ence to John Stark and in consideration of Stark's greater 
military experience, Poor's regiment was named the Second, 
and that commanded by James Reed was called the Third ; 
while Stark had the prestige of having his command known as 
the First. These three regiments and subsequent enlistments 
were placed under the command of Brig.-Gen. Nathaniel 
Folsom of Exeter, now made a major-general. 

Only Stark's and Reed's regiments were engaged at the bat- 
tle of Bunker Hill, Poor being largely employed at Exeter 
until after that time in building fire-rafts to protect the Exeter 
river, while many of his men were busy in guarding the neigh- 
boring sea-coast. These regiments all reported in due time at 
Cambridge, Mass. Poor's commission as colonel, conferred 
by the Provincial Congress on recommendation of the Com- 
mittee of Safety, dates from May 24, 1775. With him were 
appointed John McDuffie of Rochester,- lieutenant-colonel, and 
Joseph Cilley of Nottingham, major. At the same time the 
Committee of Safety was empowered to enlist a regiment. 
Accordingly orders were issued by the Committee to the fol- 
lowing persons to raise each a company of sixty-two "able- 
bodied effective men": Winborn Adams, Durham; Winthrop 
Rowe, Kensington; Henry Elkins, Hampton; Samuel Gil- 
man, Newmarket; Philip Tilton, Kingston; Benjamin Tit- 
comb, Dover; Jona. Wentworth, Somersworth ; Jeremiah 
Clough, Canterbury; James Norris, Epping; Zaccheus Clough, 
Poplin. All of these became captains of their respective com- 
panies except Zaccheus Clough, who yielded his command to 
Richard Shortridge. 

Directly after the battle of Bunker Hill, June 17th, Colonel 
Poor's regiment, thus raised, was ordered to the seat of war in 


the investment of Boston. One company, however, that of 
Captain Elkins-, was reserved for coast duty at Hampton until 
August 1st 

From the receipt of his first commission until his lamenta- 
ble death Enoch Poor was in command of either a regiment 
or a brigade. 

Through the fall and winter of 1775-6 the New Hampshire 
regiments were with the forces near Boston ; but on the evac- 
uation of Boston in March, 1776, they were ordered, as part 
of the main army, to New York. Meanwhile, however, seventy- 
seven men of Stark's and Poor's command had gone to join 
Capt. Henry Dearborn's company in the Canadian expedition 
led by Benedict Arnold. 

Shortly after the arrival of these New Hampshire troops at 
New York, Colonel Thompson, with four regiments, including 
Poor's, was despatched to strengthen the forces which had 
been sent for the conquest of Canada. The disaster which 
had befallen that little army of invasion is sadly familiar to us. 
The death of General Montgomery at Quebec turned what 
seemed accomplished triumph into bitter defeat. The forces 
fell back to Crown Point, and a council of generals decided 
on further retirement to Ticonderoga. Against this last retreat 
there was presented an earnest protest of regimental officers, 
General Stark's name heading the signatures, and General 
Poor's immediately following. 

In an army regularly and strictly organized such remon- 
strance, thus expressed, would have been nothing short of 
insubordination, but our revolutionary forces were hardly an 
army as yet ; and our civil government was little more than a 
succession of temporary and almost informal agreements 
between the incipient states to maintain a degree of social 
order in common. No student of the matter to-day doubts 
that the advice of these New Hampshire officers was wiser 
than that of their superiors in rank, and it is known that 
Washington so regarded it. 

At Ticonderoga Colonel Poor was twice made president of 
a court-martial; first, in the case of Captain Wentworth, 
charged with " refusing to go on duty when warned by the 



adjutant of the regiment to which he belonged ; " and second, 
for the trial of Colonel Hazen, under some charges brought by 
Gen. Benedict Arnold. In the latter case the court refused 
to accept the testimony of one of Arnold's chief witnesses, a 
Major Scott, on the ground that the witness was obviously 
prejudiced beyond the point of judicious truth-telling. For 
this rejection of testimony a remonstrance was sent by Arnold 
against the proceedings of the court. This remonstrance was, 
by General Poor, as president, represented to General Gates 
as being "couched in indecent terms." The court demanded 
of Arnold an apology and a change of language, which was 
refused. "The whole of the General's (Arnold's) conduct 
during the course of the trial," writes Poor to Gates, " was 
marked with contempt and disrespect toward the court, and 
(he) by his extraordinary answer has added insult to injury." 
The court refused to enter Arnold's protest on its minutes, as 
being "illegal, illiberal, and ungentlemanly." The final writ- 
ren retort of Arnold to the court contained these words : 
". This I can assure you, I shall ever, in public or private, be 
ready to support the character of a man of honor, and as your 
very nice and delicate honor, in your apprehension, is injured, 
you may depend, as soon as this disagreeable service is at an 
end ... I will by no means withhold from any gentle- 
man of the court the satisfaction his nice honor may require." 

Arnold, sad to say, was not the only high officer in the 
armies of the Revolution who held the code of the duel para- 
mount to that of the army, and that of the state ; but it is 
doubtful if any other general could have replied to the official 
rescript of a court-martial with so contemptuous and unmanly 
a sneer. Of course our cause at that time could not afford 
the risk of Arnold's alienation or resignation, consequently 
General Gates dissolved the court. 

Three months later, namely, in November, 1776, Sir Guy 
Carleton, the Uritish commander, who had pursued our forces 
from Canada as far as Crown Point, having retired to winter 
quarters, the three New Hampshire regiments were no longer 
pressingly needed in the North. No testimony to the suffer- 
ings and endurance of our men during the campaign could be 



stronger than this communication of General Gates to General 
Ward, dated Nov. 9, 1776: "Dear General: The deputies 
from New Hampshire having informed me that there is a con- 
tinental regiment raised in the state under command of Col. 
Pierce Long, stationed at Portsmouth, as the regiments from 
that state now at this port have suffered exceedingly from 
defeat, disease, and fatigue, it would most certainly be for the 
immediate benefit of the service that Colonel Long's regiment 
should be directed to march directly to this place, and the 
three regiments commanded by Stark, Poor, and Reed, should 
upon arrival, march to Portsmouth, where they can not only 
be recruited, but recovered and refreshed, after the almost 
unspeakable fatigues and distresses they have undergone." 

Notwithstanding this most appreciative and humane recom- 
mendation, however, we find the New Hampshire regiments 
which had been and still remained at Ticonderoga, holding 
themselves to active service, and the very next month, which 
was December, marching "by way of the river Minnisink," to 
join Washington's army, then in New Jersey. 

The commander-in-chief in that terrible December weather 
was retreating before a larger and well-equipped British force, 
his own men being poorly armed and less than half fed and 
clothed. The exigency was tremendous, and to it New Hamp- 
shire responded bravely. 

The term of the New Hampshire men was near its close, 
but a strong appeal from their commanders induced them to 
renew their enlistment, so that during the additional six 
weeks of their stay a good number of them shared in the 
battles of Trenton and Princeton. The last year had wit- 
nessed the death of nearly one half of their number by small- 
pox and other maladies. 

We pass now to a new and critical chapter in the career of 
General Poor. In March, 1777, the term of the New Hamp- 
shire volunteers having finally ended, new enlistments must be 
had, and a larger number of general officers being required, 
the present seemed the right occasion for such promotion. In 
creating a brigadier-general from New Hampshire, the Conti- 
nental Congress made choice of Col. Enoch Poor. Upon this, 



Col. John Stark, claiming that the high position belonged by 
custom, if not by right, to himself, as the senior officer in the 
service, and, as having held official rank in two campaigns 
while his successful rival was of junior rank and had seen far 
less of army experience, resigned his commission, and betook 
himself to his usual industry at his farm and sawmill in Man- 
chester. In his letter of resignation, addressed to the General 
Court of New Hampshire, he says, after pleading the " hard- 
ships of two campaigns . . . endured with cheerfulness 
and alacrity": "I should have served with the greatest pleas- 
ure, more especially at this important crisis when our country 
calls for the utmost exertions of every American; but am 
extremely grieved that I am in honor bound to leave the ser- 
vice, Congress having thought proper to promote junior officers 
over. my head ; so that, lest I should show myself unworthy of 
the honor conferred on me, and a want of that spirit which 
ought to glow in the breast of every officer appointed by the 
Honorable House in not suitably resenting an indignity . . . 
I must beg leave to resign my commission." 

Perhaps persons of historic tastes who are conversant or 
half conversant with the facts of this case will never be done 
discussing the justification of the vote of Congress, and the 
action of Stark, and with weighing the comparative claims of 
Stark and Poor. Something can with truth be said on both 

On the one hand it is true that Poor's regiment was the 
first to enlist and report for duty under the new call. On the 
other hand, the rules of precedence from past record were 
altogether favorable to the claims of Stark. He was the 
senior, both in official and in active service ; he had done val- 
iant duty in the " Seven Years' War," between the English and 
the French, and by vote of the Provincial Convention he had 
been made colonel of the "First New Hampshire Regiment" — 
the ranking regiment. Poor had been a private in the Nova 
Scotia campaign, and had held no commission whatever until 
he received the colonelcy on May 20, 1775. 

It would appear that this most unpleasant episode was the 
sequel to, or continuance of, a former contest, in which Stark 


and Nathaniel Folsom had been the competing candidates, 
and in which it seemed to many that Folsom was in the 
right, and that the claims of Stark were without justification. 
At all events, a considerably large and influential party of 
Folsom's adherents were afterwards ready to oppose Stark at 
every opportunity. The first controversy had been settled by 
passing over both Folsom and Stark, and elevating John Sul- 
livan to the coveted position. In the present case, Folsom is 
again a candidate in rivalry with Stark, and now, as in the 
former instance, both contestants are passed by, while Poor, 
who seems not to have been an aspirant at all, receives the 
promotion from Congress. Other causes, doubtless, conspired 
with that which I have named, but the animus of this settle- 
ment was plainly, in the interests of concord, not to award 
triumph or defeat to either band of partisans. In the earlier 
contest for rank, undoubtedly, by all established military rules 
Folsom was the ranking officer; but Stark had refused to 
report to him as such, and this, if not contrary to the de jure 
state of things at the time, was surely not in accord with the 
de facto condition, and members of Congress may have feared 
the independent spirit of Stark, which, as some seriously 
thought, though with what justice it does not concern us now 
to determine, bordered upon insubordination. At all events 
we find Poor made, a brigadier-general, while Stark became for 
a period of three months a civilian. 

Let me here say that nothing has been found, even by the 
warmest champions of John Stark, which indicates other than 
the most manly and cordial relations between him and General 
Poor. When the latter expressed to the former his hesitancy. 
under the peculiar circumstances, to accept his commission, 
Stark urgently advised its acceptance, and rendered to the new 
general all the information and friendly services within his 

But this contest for priority, which for a time threatened to 
produce lasting bitterness and weakening division among loyal 
men, proved in the end an inestimable blessing to the American 
cause. Sullivan came grandly to the front. Folsom had an 
honorable military career. Poor, as we shall see, grew into an 


invaluable officer in his higher command. Concerning Stark, 
it may be said that his splendid qualities, in such a tempera- 
ment as his, might have been almost fatally hampered and 
obscured had he then received the brigadier's appointment in 
the main army, instead of the commission awarded him a few 
months later, not by Congress, but by the state of New Hamp- 
shire, for an independent campaign for the protection and 
deliverance of the northeastern border. 

In the latter part of the year 1776 the temporary and poorly 
regulated enlistment of men, and appointment of officers, came 
to an end. Henceforth the more important officers were to 
be commissioned by congress instead of the states, and for 
the entire war. The men were to be enlisted for three years 
or as long as the contest might continue. Three regiments, 
in virtual continuance of the former three already spoken of, 
were organized in New Hampshire under the new standard. 
These were commanded by Colonels Joseph Cilley, Nathan 
.Hale, and Alexander Scammell, and were ordered to report at 
Ticonderoga under Gen. Enoch Poor, as part of the forces for 
the overthrow of the British army under Burgoyne. The 
British commander in furtherance of his purpose to establish 
a chain of military posts reaching from Manhattan Island to 
Canada, thus absolutely cutting off rebellious New England 
from the rest of the country, had descended from Canada 
toward Ticonderoga, leading a force of more than 7,000 
British and German soldiers. On May 28th, just past, General 
Poor had written from Ticonderoga to General Gates: "We 
have only 2,240 effective rank and file now on the ground," 
and implored prompt reinforcements. June 12th a council 
was held consisting of Generals Schuyler, now in command of 
the Northern army, Roche de Fermoy, St. Clair, Poor, and Pat- 
terson, which reluctantly decided that the fort at Ticonderoga 
could not be longer held for lack of troops and provisions. 
July 2d, Burgoyne being close at hand, and the American forces 
being at that juncture nearly encompassed by the British, a 
similar council, of which Poor was a member, decided upon 
immediate evacuation and retreat. By this action cCngress 
was shocked and demoralized ; it demanded the removal of 


Scbnyler, and voted that Major-Generals Schuyler and St. 
Clair, and Brigadiers Poor, Patterson, and Fermoy should 
report at once at army headquarters. But Washington, with 
cool head and quick judgment, seeing that the surrender of 
the fort had been inevitable, declined to supersede Schuyler, 
and induced congress to postpone the order for the brigadiers 
to repair to headquarters. Later the major-generals were 
arraigned before court-martial, and after trial honorably 
acquitted and justified. Congress, however, was not satisfied, 
but transferred Schuyler's command to Gates, the latter's 
authority dating from Aug. 6, 1777. 

Poor's brigade at this time consisted of the three New 
Hampshire regiments, two small detachments from New York, 
and a considerable number of Connecticut men ; and was now 
in camp at Lowden's Ferry on the Mohawk river. In this 
immediate neighborhood clearly the issues of the war were 
now concentrating. 

The miniature army that had come from Ticonderoga was 
one of several additions recently made to that main force in 
eastern New York. This, as I said, in the middle of the year 
1777, was the critical centre of the contest; the very gravest 
results depending upon whether Burgoyne should succeed in 
severing New England from connection with the other prov- 
inces, or whether by any miracle of military skill and courage 
the British forces could be subdued and driven from the 

On the 19th of September Burgoyne lustily attacked the 
little Revolutionary army, and the battle of Stillwater was 
fought, often called the first battle of Saratoga. On both 
sides it was a desperate action. The British were the^stronger 
in numbers, and incomparably the better disciplined, but just 
now they had become beset by their enemy on several sides. 
On this engagement and what should speedily follow, seemed 
to depend the outcome of the general contest so far as the 
issues were then made up, and so far as one 'event could 
determine its successors. 

The principal body of our men, under the immediate ^com- 
mand of Gates, constituted the right wing. The left wing 


under Gen. Benedict Arnold, consisted of Poor's brigade, 
some New York troops under Van Cortland and Henry Living- 
ston, some militia from Connecticut led by Latimer and 
Cook, and the famous rifle corps of Virginia under Colonel 
Morgan, with Major Dearborn's battalion of infantry for 

It should here be said that the nerve of this army had been 
appreciably strengthened by the recent signal triumph of 
Stark at Bennington. And yet the relation of Stark and his 
men to the Continental army, and even the New Hampshire 
portion of that army, was so peculiar, and sometimes embar- 
rassing, that it might almost seem as if the two bodies of 
soldiers had no organic agreement in accomplishing the pur- 
pose of national independence and unity. Stark's command, 
as we remember, was strictly no part of the Continental army. 
In the massing of forces that preceded the battle of Stillwater 
he acknowledged no officer of the Continental army as enti- 
tled to command him and his men ; and it was some time be- 
fore he consented, for the sake of the common cause, to join 
his forces to the main body. However, the very day before 
the battle of Stillwater, the term for which his command was 
enlisted had expired, so that at that engagement he had no 
following of soldiery. It should be said that New Hamp- 
shire, to which alone he acknowledged bounden allegiance, 
through the people's representatives, had just voted to instruct 
him to join his forces to the main body, but he did not receive 
notice of such action until after the battle. 

At Stillwater Arnold was in command. Poor's brigade con- 
stituted about one half of the left wing, which was the only 
part of the army which was in the thick of the fight. Not 
more than 3,000 Continental troops were engaged against 3,500 
of Burgoyne's choicest and best disciplined soldiers. The 
three regiments from New Hampshire, with Colonels Joseph 
Cilley, George Reid, and Alexander Scammell at their head, 
numbered more than 1,000 men. Of Poor's brigade 217 were 
lost or killed, wounded, and missing, of whom 118 were from 
New Hampshire, the whole loss from this state during The bat- 
tle being 161. General Williamson, the assistant adjutant- 


general, who carried the orders of the commander of the day 
says that " the stress of the action on our part was borne by 
Morgan's regiment and Poor's brigade." The late Judge 
George W. Nesmith, a careful student of the affair, says that 
"the New Hampshire troops suffered as much or more in 
officers and men than all the others combined," a statement 
which my own investigation fully confirms. 

The results of Stillwater were undecisive, and on October 8, 
Burgoyne made a deadly assault on the Continental forces. 
This second battle of Saratoga was the most hard fought and 
unflinching engagement of the War of the Revolution. Gen- 
eral Wilkinson says that the first order given him to promul- 
gate was in these words : " Tell Morgan to begin the game." 
The next order was for the New Hampshire troops to march 
to the front and left flank of the enemy. Wilkinson says, 
11 After I had given the order to General Poor, directing him to 
the point of attack, I was commanded to bring up Ten Broeck's 
brigade of New York troops, 3,000 strong. I performed this 
service, and regained the field of battle at the moment when 
the enemy had turned their back ; only fifty-two minutes after 
the first shot was fired, I found the courageous Colonel Cilley 
astraddle of a brass 12-pounder, and exulting in the capture." 

The British at length gave way and retreated to their in- 
trenchments, and were afterwards attacked and driven outside. 
Only ten days later, on October 17, Burgoyne and his army sur- 
rendered under stern necessity. 

The part which New Hampshire acted in these two battles 
can hardly be overestimated. Besides Poor's brigade two 
New Hampshire companies were in Col. Michael Jackson's 
Massachusetts regiment, which, with Dearborn's battalion and 
Whipple's brigade of militia, were all actually engaged in the 
battle of October 8. No regular list of the casualties on the 
Continental side during this engagement is preserved, but the 
losses of New Hampshire soldiers, and especially in Poor's brig- 
ade, are believed to equal, or even surpass, those of September 
17. Gen. Jacob Bailey of Vermont, who was in the campaign, 
wrote to President Meshech Weare : "I congratulate you on 
the happy reduction of Burgoyne's army by General GateS] in 


which New Hampshire, first and last, was very instrumental. 
The laming out of your volunteers was extraordinarily advan- 
tageous in that affair." By all contemporary accounts no part 
of the army showed more courage or telling efficiency than did 
the brigade commanded by General Poor, in league with the 
Virginia rifles, at the very front. 

The surrender of General Burgoyne as the direct result of 
these two engagements suspended the war in the North, and 
Poor and his men now joined Washington's army near Phila- 
delphia. Washington and Howe were contending for the pos- 
session of Philadelphia, that place having been captured by 
British forces on September 26. For its recovery Washington 
fought the battle of Germantown, but a panic seized our sol- 
diers at the very moment of victory, and the prize was for- 
feited. Contrasting the engagement at Germantown with the 
recent battle at Saratoga, Washington writes : " Had the same 
spirit pervaded the people of this and the neighboring states 
. . . as (did) the states of New York and New England ... we 
might before this time have had General Howe nearly in the 
same situation of General Burgoyne, with this difference — that 
the former would never have been out of the reach of his 
ships, while the latter increased his danger every step he took." 

During the temporary absence of Lord Cornwallis who had 
been holding the city with a portion of his troops, a new attack 
on Philadelphia was contemplated. Washington submitted the 
project to a council of officers, requesting a deliberate written 
opinion from each member on the next day. Four members 
favored the assault, ten opposed, General Poor among the 
latter. Poor and those who voted with him in the majority 
believed that in the sadly weakened state of the army during 
that fall and winter, such a movement would be unreasonably 
perilous, and considering the critical condition of affairs just 
then and there, might work irretrievable disaster to our forces. 

In December following, the army took up its winter quarters 
at Valley Forge on the Schuylkill river, some twenty miles 
northwest of Philadelphia. Of that ghastly winter encampment 
no description of mine is needed. It is pictured to the life 
with its sufferings and terrors, in the official correspondence, 



and in the home letters still preserved of brave men who en- 
dured existence at Valley Forge from the autumn of 1777 to 
the opening spring of 1778. Few armies, if any, have ever ex- 
perienced more of cold and hunger, and lack of the rudimen- 
tary provisions for human comfort. It was also a winter of 
painful suspense concerning our cause in general. The sky was 
not entirely dark, to be sure, because of the splendid victory 
at Saratoga, and the surrender of Burgoyne. Another partial 
relief of hope came from the Articles of Confederation between 
the states, drawn up in the previous November, which were 
then undergoing brisk and animating discussion, and which 
were adopted in the following July. The instinct of unity, 
system, and permanent authority, had now begun to assert 
itself, and the go-as-you-please custom of the early days of the 
conflict, when everything was voluntary with the several prov- 
inces, and it could almost be said, with each individual man, 
was slowly but surely being abandoned as inefficient and dis- 

•January 21, 1778, General Poor addressed an order to "all 
such officers and soldiers of the first, second, and third New 
Hampshire regiments whose furlo's are expired," in which he 
requires that "those who at different times have been left sick, 
and also . . . those who were captured by the enemy, and 
have been retaken, and by any other means made their escape, 
shall forthwith join the Regiments at Head-Quarters," and also 
that "those numbers of soldiers that have deserted from their 
regiments . . . probably willing to return to their duty, 
but deterred from it through fear of punishment," shall "report 
to some officer on or before the twentieth of March, on which 
terms a full and free pardon " will be granted them ; while the 
severest penalties of martial law are threatened upon those who 
neglect to obey. Exeter is named as the rendezvous for these 
scattered and straggling men. 

On February 18, 17 78, a Board of War was constituted by 
the state of New Hampshire, consisting of Col. Joshua Went- 
worth of Portsmouth, John Penhallow of Portsmouth, and 
Ephraim Robinson of Exeter, " whose business shall be," ac- 
cording to the House record, " to supply the continental regi- 


ments of the state with clothing and all Necessaries," and to 
attend to whatsoever other duties the Committee of Safety may 
impose upon them. 

On the previous December 7th, when the troops were about 
marching to their winter quarters at Valley Forge, General Poor 
had written to Thomas Odiorne, a member of the state house 
of representatives from Exeter, portraying the destitution of 
the troops, and imploring direct aid from New Hampshire to 
its own soldiers. " Did you know," he says, " how much your 
men suffered for want of shirts, Britches, Blankitts, Stockens, 
and shoes, your hart would ache for them. Sure I am that one 
third are now suffering for want of those Artickels, which gives 
the soldier great Reason to complain, after the incurrigment 
given by the state to supplie those of its Inhabitants who should 

engage in their servis When you Ingaged your 

men to serve for three years or during the war, they were prom- 
ised a sum for their servises ; your State at the same time fixed 
a reasonable price upon such artickles as the country produs'd 
and which they neiu their Familys must be supplied with, which 
would but bearly support them at those prices. But soon after 
they left home it seems by some means or other the contract 
on the side of the State was brocken, and those very artickels 
which their familys must have or suffer rose four or five hun- 
dred per cent.; soldiers' wages remain the same. How can it 
be expected that men under these circumstances can quietly 
continue to undergo every hardship and Danger which they 
have been and are still exposed to ? and what is more distress- 
ing is their daily hearing of the sufferings of their wives and 
children at home. ... I fear we shall have many of our 
best officers resign, and many soldiers desert for no other rea- 
son than to put themselves in a way to support their Familys or 
shear with them their sufferings, and should that be the case I 
fear the consequences." 

Of this letter let me say that if there is in the English lan- 
guage a composition of the same length, which compasses more 
perfectly or vigorously the writer's thought, with no word 
lacking and none to spare, it has never fallen under my eye. 
General Poor puts the sufferings of his officers and sofdiers 


most impressively and conclusively, and without allusion to 
himself. It is your state that has made and has broken the 
pledge ; it is your men who by your neglect are starving and 
shivering; it is the wives and children of soldiers you sent into 
the field with golden promises against whom you allow to be 
fixed prohibitory prices for the simplest articles of subsistence. 
This, in spite of its imperfect orthography, is one of the master- 
pieces of our literature. 

On the following 15th of April General Poor writes to John 
Penhallow, president of the New Hampshire Board of War, re- 
porting the number of private soldiers and non-commissioned 
officers at about nine hundred, and says of them that they have 
not more than one shirt apiece. " Some perhaps have two, but 
many are entirely without." He ends with a modest requisi- 
tion for supplies. The next day Colonel Joseph Cilley writes 
to Colonel Joshua Wentworth of the same Board of War, say- 
ing that in the New Hampshire regiments one man in five has 
scarcely a shirt to wear ; but adds that the appointment of a 
Board of War has put new spirits into the soldiers, who now 
look forward to relief from their extreme physical distress. 

The treaty with France had just now been accomplished, 
and the tidings of it brought fresh heart and courage to the 
sufferers of Valley Forge. From this time forth, too, the reviv- 
ing spirits of the army kept pace with the growing sense of 
national unity and the demand for a more perfect federation. 

Philadelphia was still in the hands of the British. Lafay- 
ette, a youth of twenty years, had joined our forces, bringing 
with him the first instalment of that practical sympathy and 
moral aid for which the United States will always be grateful 
to France. In May, 1778, Poor and his brigade were under 
Lafayette in the exploit to spy upon the condition and move- 
ments of the enemy between the Schuylkill and Delaware riv- 
ers. Here our force was attacked, but successfully retreated, 
Poor leading the American van. The British evacuated 
Philadelphia in this month of May, Howe being now superseded 
by General Clinton. The friendly recognition of the American 
cause by France determined the British commander, in antici- 
pation of strong foreign reinforcements to the Continental 


army, to concentrate everything in and about New York. 
During the march of the British army hither across New Jer- 
sey, General Poor, with his command, under Gen. Charles Lee 
first, and then Lafayette, were part of the force sent for the 
annoyance and provocation of the enemy. Our entire army 
soon followed, and at Monmouth, on June 28th, occurred a 
fierce engagement between the contending forces. By the 
timely arrival of Washington, relieving the army from the 
cowardice, insanity, or constitutional perversity of General 
Lee, the day was saved to our cause, — the British finding shel- 
ter in New York, and Washington leading his army to White 
Plains, some thirty miles distant ; and thus each army re- 
mained from June of that year until the Continental forces 
retired to winter quarters in New Jersey. 

We have now arrived at an exceedingly interesting stage in 
Poor's military career. His brigade, in the summer of 1779, 
was chosen as a part of Gen. John Sullivan's army for the sub- 
jection of the " Six Nations," or, more exactly speaking, the 
"Five Nations," of Indians. Colonel Scammell was on duty 
with Washington, and Maj. Henry Dearborn now led the 
Third New Hampshire regiment. Those Indian tribes, called 
by the French Iroquois, began with the Mohawks, some forty 
miles west of Albany, while the other four tribes, the Oneidas, 
Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas, extended westward for two 
hundred miles along and beyond the Mohawk river. It is 
virtually the old French and Indian War renewed, except that 
our foe now is the Indian in league with the British, these 
dusky tribes having been taken into partnership by our mother 
country to wreak whatever destruction they were able, in their 
own ruthless way, upon the Continental forces and their 

A few considerations need to be borne in mind concerning 
this sanguinary crusade commanded by General Sullivan of 
New Hampshire, and in which the New Hampshire brigade 
bore a very essential part. These Indians were not savages 
in the usual sense ; they were not wandering tribes. They 
had built for themselves fortified towns; They were cultivat- 
ing fine fruit orchards and luxuriant fields of maize, like the 


best of farmers. They had civil governments that might com- 
pare with many which historians have respected. As it is 
now generally agreed that in New England the early white 
men were as frequently aggressors as they Were innocent vic- 
tims, so there are historical students to whose judgment we 
are in the habit of deferring, who affirm that in New York 
and Pennsylvania there was considerable ground of extenua- 
tion for many of the cruelties dealt by the Indians upon the 

Says Maj. Douglass Campbell of New York, speaking now 
of the Dutch : " They treated the Indian as a man. Tolerant 
in religion, they respected his rude faith ; truthful among 
themselves, to him they never broke their word 5 honest in 
their dealings, with him they kept good faith. They suffered 
from no thefts because they took nothing except by purchase. 
Their land-titles were respected because for every tract they 
had an Indian deed. They were scourged by no massacres 
save from the enemy across the borders, because they com- 
mitted no robbery or murder." 

But whatever the excuse, or lack of it, and we have here no 
time to consider the matter, the Five Nations had now allied 
themselves with the British cause, and their cooperation was 
depended upon by the British government and army. The 
animus of this warlike disposition of the Nations had come 
down from the French and Indian War, no doubt, even though 
at that time the red men generally were on the side of the 
French. How complete the alliance now was with the British, 
and whether the Indian governments had now taken formal 
action in the matter, are a subject of doubt. But the massa- 
cres of Wyoming and Cherry Valley gave proof unmistakable 
that these people could now be regarded as enemies to our 
people, and that their warfare would be of the most merciless 
sort. Lord Suffolk, in the British parliament, November, 
1777, had defended the policy, to quote his own words, of 
using "all the means put into British hands by the employ- 
ment of the Indians." 

By vote of Congress, Washington is commanded " to carry 
war into the country of the Six Nations, cut off their settle- 


merits, destroy the next year's crops, and do them every mis- 
chief which time and circumstances will permit." General 
Gates, for a reason unknown to us, but as some have thought, 
a humane one, declined the lead of this expedition, and Gen. 
John Sullivan was appointed in his place. It has been 
doubted by many whether Washington really approved this 
crusade of extermination ; but the tone of his instructions to 
Sullivan, under date of May 31, 1779, seem to breathe his 
hearty personal approval : " Sir, the expedition you are ap- 
pointed to command is to be directed against the hostile tribes 
of the Six Nations of Indians with their associates and adher- 
ents. The immediate object is their total destruction and 
devastation, and the capture of as many persons of every sex 
and age as possible. It will be essential to ruin their crops 
now in the ground, and prevent their planting more. 
The troops to be employed are Clinton's, Maxwell's, Poor's, 
and Hand's brigades, and the independent companies raised 
in the state of Pennsylvania. . . . You will not by any 
means listen to overtures of peace before the total destruction 
of their settlements is effected." By "their associates and 
adherents" Washington of course means the Tories. It is 
clearly intended that in this destruction and extermination no 
regard shall be paid to either sex, race, or color. 

April 29, 1779, Sullivan writes in confidence to Gov. George 
Clinton of New York, giving his plan of campaign : " The 
main body of our army," he says, " is to move up the Susque- 
hanna to Tioga ; the York troops" (these being under com- 
mand of Gen. James Clinton) " are to march up to Canajoharie, 
take batteaux across land into Otsego lake, and pass down 
the Susquehanna." This plan, with minor changes and after 
considerable delay from lack of men and provisions, was car- 
ried to consummation. 

Sullivan, under orders from General Washington, collected 
his forces at Wyoming, Penn., on the 23d of July. His fight- 
ing power consisted of the First, Second, Third, and Fourth 
New Jersey regiments, Poor's New Hampshire brigade, the 
Eleventh Pennsylvania regiment and a German regimenUfrom 
the same state, Shott's free corps, Spaulding's company, and 


Colonel Proctor's regiment of artillery with two 5% -inch how- 
itzers and four 3-pounders. On the next day arrived a large 
number of vessels laden with provisions, and on July 31st the 
march began. Sullivan's forces and Clinton's, from different 
directions, were to meet at Tioga. 

From the diary of Jeremiah Fogg, of General Poor's staff, 
we obtain this item, dated at Tioga, August 14th, Sullivan's 
command having already arrived there : "This being the place 
assigned for General Clinton to join the army, and General 
Sullivan being apprehensive of his being in danger, detached 
General Poor with 900 men and eight days' provisions, with 
orders to proceed up the river as a reinforcement in case of an 
attack. General Clinton had previously to this received orders 
not to move from the head of the river until Sullivan had 
marched nine days from Wyoming." Clinton and his men 
joined Sullivan safely on the 22d of August. 

The objective point of attack was Chemung, or, in English, 
Newtown, close to the present site of the city of Elmira. This 
was an Indian town of about fifty houses, surrounded by farms 
under admirable cultivation. Sullivan had information which 
led him to expect to find the whole force of the Nations con- 
centrated and massed at Chemung. His army established a 
post defended by two hundred and fifty soldiers, at the juncture 
of the Susquehanna and the Tioga rivers, naming it Fort 
Sullivan, and pressed on for the assault. The battle of New- 
town, as we now know it, was waged on Sunday, August 29, 
1779. The best record of the affair in existence is found in 
the journal of Daniel Livermore of Concord, N. H., a captain 
in the Third New Hampshire regiment. He says: "At ten 
o'clock this morning the troops proceeded on the march in the 
usual order. At about twelve o'clock our vanguard came in 
sight of the enemy's lines, thrown up by our left from the 
river, half a mile in extent, on a very advantageous piece of 
ground; the infantry beginning a slow attack on their flanks 
and advance parties, while General Poor's brigade is sent 
round their left flank to gain the enemy's rear, which he nearly 
completed, falling in with their flank, or rather their jnain 
body, lying off in the woods in order to cut off our rear. A 


very warm action ensued between about six hundred chosen 
savages commanded by Captain Butler of the Queen's Rang- 
er's, and Poor's brigade, commanded by him in person. The 
brigade marched on with coolness, with charged bayonets, not 
a gun being fired till within a short distance, when the enemy 
were obliged to give back, leaving their dead on the ground, 
amounting to about twenty. We took three prisoners. At 
sunset, after a complete victory, encamped near the field of 
action, carrying off our dead and wounded, among the latter 
being Major Titcomb, Captain Cloges, and about thirty others. 
The killed amounted to but four or five. During the action 
Colonel Reed's and Colonel Dearborn's regiments fared the 

According to the diary of Lieut. John Jenkins, a guide to 
Sullivan's army, the engagement was four miles from Chemung. 
The following is from the journal of Staff-officer Jeremiah 
Fogg, previously quoted : " One Tory was taken prisoner, who 
told us that their whole force was six hundred Indians com- 
manded by Brant, and two hundred whites commanded by 
Butler, among whom were a British sergeant, corporal, and 
twelve privates. A negro was afterwards taken who thought 
the number of Indians to have been about four hundred." 
Fogg adds, exultingly : " The New Hampshire brigade may at 
least add a new feather to their caps. Although the enemy 
galled us, killing three and wounding forty, yet we convinced 
them that they may in vain attempt to withstand an army like 
ours." I here quote in part the admirable report of General 
Sullivan to the commander-in-chief: "About eleven o'clock 
a messenger from Major Par, who commanded the rifle-corps, 
the advance of the light troops under General Hand, informed 
me the enemy had, about a mile in front of the town, a very 
extensive breastwork erected on a rising ground which com- 
manded the road in which we were to pass with our artillery, 
and which would enable them to fire upon our rlank and front 
at the same time. This breastwork they had endeavored to 
mask in a very artful manner, and had concealed themselves 
behind it in very large numbers. ... I found that the 
work was in a bend of the river, which, by turning northward, 


formed a semi-circle. . . . They had posted, also, on a 
hill about one hundred and fifty rods in their rear, and con- 
siderably on their left, a strong party, in order, as I suppose, 
to fall on our right flank when we were engaged in the work in 
front, and to cover the retreat of the troops which occupied 
the works in case they were carried. . . . This hill was 
very advantageously formed for the purpose, as it terminated 
in a bold bluff about a mile in the rear of their works, and 
about two hundred and fifty yards from the river, leaving a 
hollow way between the hill and the river of about one hun- 
dred and fifty yards, and ending on the north in a very narrow 
defile. This hollow way was clear of trees and bushes, and 
was occupied by them as a place of encampment for part of 
their army. General Hand formed the light corps of the army 
in the wood within four hundred yards of their works. 
General Hand remained at his post until I arrived with the 
main army. General Poor's brigade, which formed the right 
wing of the main army, deployed in the rear of General 
Hand's; General Maxwell's brigade, which formed the left 
wing, came abreast with General Poor, and remained in col- 
umn ready to act as occasion might require. It was observed 
that there was another chain of hills terminating in a point 
rather in the rear of our right, and about one mile distant from 
the rear of our line. It was conjectured that the army had 
taken post upon one or both the hills, when we attempted to 
attack their works. General Poor was therefore detached to 
gain the hill first described and fall onto the enemy's rear. 
General Clinton's brigade, which forms the second line of 
the army, was ordered to turn off and follow in the rear of 
General Poor, and to sustain him in case of necessity, or to 
form a line to oppose any force which might fall in his rear or 
attempt to gain the flank or rear of the army. When sufficient 
time had been given to General Poor to gain the hill in their 
rear, our artillery was to announce an attack in front. 
General Poor moved on to gain the hill, and General Clinton 
followed as directed, but both of them were for some time 
delayed by a morass. General Poor had already arrive^ at 
the foot of the hill when the cannonading began in front of 


their works, but upon attempting to ascend it, he found a 
large body of the enemy posted there who began to fire upon 
him. His troops charged with bayonets, and sometimes fired 
as they advanced. The enemy retreated from tree to tree, 
keeping up an incessant fire until his troops had gained the 
summit of the hill. General Clinton detached two regiments 
to reinforce General Poor, and then followed himself with the 
residue of his brigade as directed. The two regiments arrived 
just before the summit of the hill was gained, and prevented 
the enemy from turning his right, which they were attempting. 
Our cannonade in front, and, I doubt not, the unexpected fire 
from General Poor on the enemy's left, occasioned them 
instantly to abandon their works in the utmost confusion. 
They fled in the greatest disorder. . . . Our loss was 
three killed and thirty-nine wounded, principally of General 
Poor's brigade. . . . General Poor, his officers, and men, 
deserve the highest praise for their intrepidity and soldierly 
conduct, as do Colonel Proctor and the whole artillery corps. 

"The town, which contained about twenty houses, was 
burned, and Generals Clinton and Poor, on their yesterday's 
route, fell in with another of thirty buildings, about two miles 
to the east of this, which was also destroyed. The number of 
Indian towns destroyed since the commencement of the expe- 
dition . . . is, I think, fourteen." 

So much from General Sullivan's official report. Washing- 
ton writes to Congress : " I congratulate Congress on his 
(Sullivan's) having completed so effectually the destruction of 
the whole of the towns and settlements of the hostile Indians 
in so short a time and with so inconsiderable a loss of men." 

A thrilling incident of this campaign is that when, following 
the battle of Newtown, provisions began to fail, and the ques- 
tion was put, how many soldiers would be content to receive 
half rations, not only was there a unanimous affirmative, but 
the proposition was received with general loud cheering from 
the troops. 

Concerning the character of this expedition, with its ruth- 
less destructiveness and its disrespect of age or sex, much has 
been said both pro and con. It was studiously intended to 


uproot the Five Nations, as well as to strike terror into every 
Indian who might be tempted to trust to the British for pro- 
tection and give his terrible service to their side. There is no 
doubt that it was intended, in considerable part, to avenge in 
ghastly kind the massacres of Cherry Valley and Wyoming 
perpetrated the year before, and thus to deliver the states 
frOm that method of warfare under the lead and patronage of 
the British army and government. The Wyoming slaughter, 
from which neither sex nor age was spared, and in which the 
ruin of property was meant to be absolute, was committed, 
according to the best authorities, by British and red men com- 
bined, only one third or one fourth of them being Indians, 
the larger portion being Tories disguised in savage fashion. 
Washington characterized them truly as "a collection of ban- 
ditti." It is hardly probable; however, that, though at Wyo- 
ming the Tory miscreants were a majority, Washington would 
ever have thought of wreaking vengeance on white settlements 
by such shocking means as he employed in destroying these 
Indian villages. While the aborigines learned many things 
in the art of warfare from the European settlers, it is also 
sadly true that either with justification, or without justification, 
our ancestors and kindred of the first one hundred and fifty 
years in America were led into many barbarities by the exam- 
ple of their dark-hued neighbors, under the supposed necessity 
of fighting fire with fire. 

Of several charges afterward brought against General Sulli- 
van one was the accusation of vandalism in wiping out these 
pretty Indian villages and cultivated farms, contrary to what 
were generally recognized as the rules of civilized warfare. Of 
this, as well as the strictly moral character of such a crusade of 
extermination, every historical student must be his own judge. 
The charge, it is believed, greatly troubled Sullivan, especially 
as in some minds it put him in unfavorable contrast with 
Gates, who, for some reason, had declined to lead the New- 
town expedition ; and it was by many believed that it hastened 
the voluntary retirement of Sullivan from the army, although 
he publicly attributed that act to impaired health. 

It would be exceedingly interesting to know whether General 


Poor really approved of this campaign in which he was so effi- 
cient, but there is 110 word on Tecord to show. 

Out New Hampshire brigade having thus accomplished its 
work in New York, returned in October, rejoined the main 
army, and spent the cold months in winter huts at Newtown, 

This, too, was a winter of great discouragement to our cause. 
The Thanksgiving voted by Congress, on motion of Elbridge 
Gerry, for the second Thursday in December, in grateful glad- 
ness for the victory over the Five Nations, furnished the last 
note of triumph or buoyant expectation for several months to 
come. The principal forces were kept quietly distributed as 
a cordon around Manhattan island, stretching from Connecti- 
cut to New Jersey. 

At the opening of the season of 1780 we find the New 
Hampshire brigade for a time at West Point, which was then 
regarded as the key of the whole Northern situation ; it was 
afterwards in New Jersey, but without participation in events 
worthy a word of record. The sky of the new republic was 
darkly clouded. At the North hunger and rags characterized 
the Continental army; troops deserted, sometimes by the half 
regiment; and as late as May 25th two Connecticut regiments 
paraded in desperate fashion and threatened to go home or 
else fight for food at the bayonet's point. 

At the South the cause was no brighter, and considering the 
dismal defeats and miscarriages, which seemed almost every- 
where in that section to attend our arms, it was seriously 
debated whether any further stand should be made for Ameri- 
can liberty in the Southern states. 

But a sudden springtime note of joy and hope was again 
heard, when on May 13, 1780, the Marquis de Lafayette, hav- 
ing returned from his home visit to France, where he had gone 
mainly to confer with King Louis XVI, and if possible obtain 
from that country more than surreptitious aid and comfort to 
the American cause, offered again his services to Congress, 
which of course were joyfully accepted, and reported assured 
help and encouragement from his native land, whose fulfil- 
ment and results became in due time a grateful chapter in the 



history of this republic. The treaty between France and the 
United States entered into in 1778, important as it was, availed 
far less for Continental success than did the coming of Lafay- 
ette, De Kalb, and other representative Frenchmen with per- 
sonal pledges of the King's moral support, while they them- 
selves entered heart, hand, and soul into the American con- 

Lafayette being now appointed the commander of a division, 
his troops were made the van of Washington's army. Lafay- 
ette's division, composed largely of light infantry, was selected 
from different corps, and chiefly from regiments of the frontier 
states, whose past experience in border warfare had specially 
fitted them for such agile service. It consisted of two brig- 
ades, the first under the command of General Hand, with 
Colonels Van Courtlandt, Ogden, and Stewart; the second 
under command of General Poor, with Colonels Shepherd, 
Swift, and Gimat. There was also in the division a troop of 
horse led by Col. Henry Lee, father of the late confederate 
general, Robert E. Lee, and a major's command of artillery. 

This division, well organized and located in an elevated and 
advantageous New Jersey camp, the soldiers and officers being 
chiefly clothed and armed at the private expense of Lafayette, 
and under his admirable scientific drill, each soldier wearing 
a helmet of hard leather, with a crest of hair, was decidedly 
the best armed and completely disciplined of the whole army, 
so that it is said that European veterans pronounced it equal 
to any corps in any army of Europe. This choice command 
of Lafayette's, of which Enoch Poor was, by the choice both 
of Lafayette and of Congress, one of the two brigadiers, was 
undoubtedly the first body of men in the army of the Revolu- 
tion that approached the standard of a well-provided and ade- 
quately trained soldiery according to the standard of civilized 
nations at that period. For this, let us never lightly remem- 
ber, we are indebted to that brilliant French nobleman who 
gave his long life to European and American liberty. Let us 
also gratefully and proudly remember that Lafayette, who 
doubtless for the asking could have had his choice of all the 
available soldiers and officers for his command, and knowing 


by former intimate association the ability and prowess of our 
New Hampshire general, deliberately preferred him as one of 
his two highest subordinate officers, held him, as we know, in 
admiring esteem, and at his death, and again forty years after- 
ward, paid him thankful and affectionate tributes of praise. 

But this splendid van of Washington's army was destined 
by circumstances beyond control, and which we have not time 
now to consider, to see no active service during the passing 

In July, the first French reinforcements arrived, and Wash- 
ington communicated to the Count de Rochambeau his plans 
for the remainder of the campaign. There resulted a scheme 
to attack New York on both land and sea, which was to be 
carried out on the fifth of August. But the arrival of British 
Admiral Greaves at New York with six ships of the line 
deterred our commander-in-chief from the intended movement. 
In September British Admiral Rodney came over with eleven 
ships of the line and four frigates. Of course our forces, 
under these conditions, made no assault, and could only wait 
and watch their enemies as from time to time detachments of 
the latter sallied forth on some temporary scheme or adven- 

While our troops and their antagonists were thus situated, 
on the eighth of September, 1780, the death of General Poor 
occurred while in camp. The manner of his death has been 
the subject of interesting discussion in recent years, which is 
not yet ended. I cannot, with the limit of time and space 
allotted me in this paper, enter into the debate, or even bal- 
ance the contentions of others. Let me merely state the three 
causes to which the deplorable event has, by one and another, 
been assigned. Immediately after the event it was reported, 
and so far as written evidence now in existence or known to 
have existed, set down as true, that General Poor died of 
"putrid fever," or by another account, "bilious fever," from 
which he was said to have suffered for thirteen days. This, 
for some time, seems to have been the general, if not univer- 
sal, belief throughout the country. 

A tradition of some age, for which there appears no written 


evidence of an early date, at least by any one who is known 
to have been at the scene of the occurrence, but which is 
recorded and credited, among. other quarters, in the "Military 
History of New Hampshire," printed with the adjutant gen- 
eral's report in 1866, attributes General Poor's decease to a 
duel with a French officer. This was for a considerable time 
held by many as the true account, — with the important addi- 
tional circumstance that the affair was carefully concealed 
from Lafayette, not only through the remainder of the war, but 
even until after the Marquis's visit to the United States in 
1824-25. Many, however, on second thought, if not at first, 
regarded it as improbable and well-nigh impossible for the 
tragic and startling death of General Poor to have taken 
place in camp, almost or quite under the eyes of his comman- 
der, and the latter to have been kept ignorant of the cause 
and circumstances. 

Another account, and one which has been adopted by some 
exceedingly reputable students of the matter, is that General 
Poor was wounded in a duel with an inferior officer of his own 
command, and of his own nationality, and that the wound 
caused a fever to intervene, which after several days termi- 
nated fatally. This rendering of the event and its circum- 
stances was given in substance by the late Ellis Ames, and is 
published in Volume XIX of the Collections of the Massachu- 
setts Historical Society. Mr. Ames's belief and its grounds 
were reproduced by the late Major Ben : Perley Poore, at a 
gathering of the Poor-Poore family, and his address on that 
occasion is printed in the proceedings of that meeting. A 
careful search, aided by the families of Mr. Ames and Major 
Poore, fails to furnish me with the particular data and authori- 
ties on which these two able men and earnest historical stu- 
dents based their conclusions. Major Poore affirmed that Mr. 
Ellis "substantiated them by voluminous and conclusive testi- 
mony." These are the essential parts of the account as given 
by Major Poore: "General Poor was killed in a duel by one of 
his subordinate officers, Major John Porter, then in command 
of a Massachusetts continental regiment. ... In 1780 
he (Porter) was temporarily in command of the regiment 'Sur- 


ing a forced march in New Jersey. The weather was very hot, 
and his men, tired, hungry, and thirsty, halted beneath some 
shade trees to rest themselves. Shortly afterward, General 
Poor, who was in command of the brigade, rode up and 
ordered Major Porter to call up his men and proceed with the 
march. Major Porter repeated the order, but not a man of 
his command rose. A few minutes later General Poor again 
rode up and repeated his order, but not a man of the command 
rose. A few minutes later General Poor again rode up and 
repeated his order, and at the same time indulged in a criti- 
cism upon Major Porter, which that officer regarded as per- 
sonally offensive; and he said to the General that if they were 
of equal rank he should hold him promptly responsible for his 
words. The general promptly replied that he would waive his 
privilege as commanding officer; whereupon Major Porter 
obtained a friend as his second, and a challenge was sent and 
accepted. The duel was fought the next morning at daybreak. 
The seconds arranged that each should stand back to back 
.against each other, carrying a loaded pistol, that at the word 
march each should advance five paces, halt, and at the word 
fire, discharge their pistols over their left shoulders, then face 
about, return toward each other, and finish the contest with 
swords. When the first pistols were fired, Poor fell mortally 

The circumstantial character of the story, and its several 
parts so minutely told, give it an air of truthfulness. But the 
question at once arises, why was it hidden, and where, until 
these recent years ? By what possibility could all the soldiers 
of the camp to whom, if it had happened, the event must have 
been fully known, have been kept from communicating it in 
their letters to their friends, and relating it among their stories 
of army events, as perhaps the most engaging of them all, and 
the hardest to retain untold ? Upon this question we cannot 
enter. Possibly the data upon which Mr. Ames and Major 
Poor based their belief in it may yet be brought to light. 

The age of General Poor at his death was forty-four. 

I must not leave this part of our subject without the re- 
minder that at that period the so-called "code of honor" was 


generally, almost universally, regarded with no conscientious 
misgivings — that more than once Lafayette, though he never 
fought in a duel, yet recognized its unquestioned legitimacy in 
the settlement of matters of dispute and resentment when ordi- 
nary means did not promise to accomplish the purpose. The 
decision of the manner of General Poor's death, therefore, in 
one way or another, would hardly affect the character of the 
man if judged by the standard of that day. 

The sorrow at Poor's death was general and sincere through- 
out the army, and the funeral occasion was exceedingly im- 
pressive. The following is copied from the military journal 
kept by James Thacher, M. D., a surgeon in the war : 

"Sept. 10, 1780. We are lamenting the loss of Brigadier- 
General Enoch Poor, who died last night of putrid fever. His 
funeral solemnities have been attended this afternoon. The 
corpse was brought this morning from Paramus, and left at a 
house a mile from the burying-ground at Hackensack, where 
it was attended to the place of interment by the following pro- 
cession : 

A regiment of light infantry in uniform with arms reversed, 
Major Lee's regiment of light horse cavalry, the major on 
horseback, General Hand with his brigade of light infantry, 
two chaplains, one of whom, the Rev. Israel Evans, was of 
Poor's brigade, the horse of the deceased general, with his 
boots and spurs suspended from the saddle, led by his servant, 
the corpse borne by four sergeants, and the pall supported by 
six general officers. The coffin was made of mahogany, and 
placed on top of which was a pair of pistols and two swords 
belonging to the general. The swords crossed each other and 
were tied with black crape. The corpse was followed by the 
officers of the New Hampshire brigade which Poor has so long 
commanded. Immediately after these came General Washing- 
ton, General Lafayette, and others of the general officers of the 
army. Having arrived at the burying-ground, the troops 
opened to the right and left, resting on their arms reversed, 
and the procession passed to the grave, where a eulogy was 
delivered by the chaplain, Rev. Israel Evans. . . . The 
regiment of light infantry were in handsome uniform, and"CVore 


in their caps long feathers of black and red. The elegant reg- 
iment of light horse commanded by Maj. Henry Lee, were in 
complete uniform and well disciplined, and exhibited a martial 
and noble appearance. General Poor was from the state of 
New Hampshire. He was a true patriot, and took an early 
part in the cause of his country, and during his military career 
he was highly respected for his talents and his bravery, and 
was beloved for the amiable qualities of his heart. It is his 
sufficient eulogy to say that he enjoyed the confidence, esteem, 
and love of Washington and Lafayette." 

General Washington, in announcing the death of Poor to 
Congress, said : " He was an officer of distinguished merit, 
one who as a citizen and a soldier had every claim to the es- 
teem and regard of his country." Congress ordered this com- 
munication to be published in testimony of the nation to the 
character and services of Enoch Poor. 

In his funeral oration, afterwards published, Chaplain Evans 
recounts the general's patriotic services, and to other tributes 
adds: "Need I say that intemperance and profanity were 
strangers to him ? And here let me observe — for such an 
omission would be criminal — that during the three years under 
his immediate command, I never knew him guilty of profane 
cursing and swearing." 

The estimate in which General Poor was held by one of 
those nearest him is told in the tearful words of a letter from 
Jeremiah Fogg, of his staff : " My general is gone. A cruel, 
stubborn fever has deprived us of the second man in the 
world." The first, in his estimate, was undoubtedly Washing- 

The following are short extracts from a calm and judicious 
tribute by Gov. William Plumer of New Hampshire : " As an 
officer he was prudent in council, and sound in judgment, firm 
and steady in his resolutions, cautious of unnecessary danger, 
but calm and undaunted in battle, vigorous and unwearied in 
executing military enterprises, patient and persevering under 
hardship and difficulty .... and punctual and exact in per- 
forming all the duties assigned and devolving upon him. His 
mind was devoted to the improvement of the army, fie pos- 


sessed great self-command, was affable and condescending, 
easy of access, yet preserved his dignity. .... The soldiers 
when distressed had free access to him, and he was a father 
to them. . . . He was the steady, uniform friend of the moral 
virtues, and inculcated their excellence more by example than 
profession or argument." 

The interment of General Poor's body was made, as we saw, 
at the cemetery at Hackensack, New Jersey, not far from the 
spot where he had died ; and years afterward a public occasion 
was made by the citizens of that place, and other admirers, of 
placing over his grave a large sandstone tablet, originally 
flat upon the ground, but in 1856 erected on four small pillars. 
On the tablet are inscribed these words, the last seven lines 
having been added in 1856 : 



There is an unverified tradition that money for the renovating 
of the grave of General Poor was left with the clerk of the coun- 
ty by Lafayette on his visit to Hackensack in 1824. There is 
nothing on the court records concerning the matter. Let me 
say, before leaving the subject, that the newly aroused inter- 
est in General Poor not only proves the lasting value of his 
character and patriotic services, but has already resulted in a 
movement to erect a more suitable monument at his grave. 
For this purpose the New Jersey Society of the Sons of the Amer- 
ican Revolution has signified its intention of giving a generous 


sum, and the New Hampshire Society of the same organization 
has intimated a purpose to contribute as much. It is intended, 
in behalf of the same object, to memorialize the legislature of 
the state of New Hampshire. 

On Lafayette's last visit to America he was enthusiastically 
received by a great multitude of people at Concord, N. H. At 
the festival given in his honor, the old hero was called upon 
for a sentiment. He rose, and with deep feeling, with tremu- 
lous voice, and an expression of countenance that moved the 
emotions of all present, gave the following : " Light Infantry 
Poor and Yorktown Scammell." 

I must not omit to mention one priceless' memorial of Gen- 
eral Poor, now in the possession of the family of his grandson, 
the late Bradbury Poor Cilley of Manchester, N. H. It is a 
miniature picture of the general, in military dress, which has 
the following history : His fellow officer, the Polish general, 
Thaddeus Kosciusko, was an artist of considerable talent, and 
being an intimate friend of General Poor, had several times 
requested him to sit for his picture, the request being as often 
declined. One day Kosciusko handed General Poor a hymn- 
book on whose fly leaf a portrait of Poor had been sketched. 
"How is this?" exclaimed Poor, "I never sat for my picture." 
"Well," answered the Polish general, "I drew it while sitting 
near you in church, in this book, and have since then painted 
it for you." This picture, which is believed to have been taken 
at Valley Forge, and which family tradition says was brought 
home by General Poor on his last visit, was regarded by his 
friends as an excellent likeness. Artists have ascribed to it 
unusual merit, and it is the original of the large portrait, 
painted by Tenney, to adorn the state house in Concord. The 
original from the hand of Kosciusko is sacredly preserved, and 
is still fresh and lifelike. This picture was also copied for the 
bas-relief of Poor on the monument at Monmouth, N. J., in the 
scene of the "Council of War at Hopewell." Here, around a 
kitchen table, " in an old-fashioned room with its antique fire- 
place and huge chimney and mantel, and the familiar tall clock 
in the corner," are standing Washington and Lafayette, the 
latter urging an immediate attack upon the British, while, 


seated around the table, each officer in some characteristic per- 
sonal attitude, are the ^Mad" Wayne, Lee, Green, Sterling, 
Steuben, Knox, Poor, Woodford, Patterson, Scott, and Dupor- 

Were there time I would trace the career of Poor's brigade, 
which was New Hampshire's most substantial contribution to 
the army of the Revolution, from its commander's death to the 
close of its service, although that does not properly belong to 
the subject assigned me. 

General Poor died at a very discouraging period of the 
struggle for American Independence, and the sense of loss 
must have been exceedingly great, especially at that crisis of 
affairs. It was the very month of the culmination of Arnold's 
treasonable conspiracy. Poor was just spared the revelation 
of that diabolical plot. 

The British main army, occupying Manhattan island, had 
lately been reinforced by war vessels against any possible 
thought of assault. Clinton, himself, with large detachments 
from New York, had carried the brunt of active warfare into 
the South. Charleston, and virtually all South Carolina, had 
fallen into British hands ; Gates had been beaten in that state 
by Cornwallis; and the brave DeKalb had fallen on a South- 
ern battle-field. The British and American loyalists poured 
down with destruction upon the fields of northern New York, 
and the Indians and the loyalists were putting in their deadly 
work in retaliation for Sullivan's campaign. Add to this that 
sixty dollars in continental money were equal in value to but 
one sound dollar. 

But happily France was at hand with help. Count de Ro- 
chambeau wrote back to his native country: " Send us troops, 
ships and money, but do not depend upon this people, or upon 
their means." Holland now joined the "Armed Neutrality," 
and England declared war with her, as she had previously done 
with France. The Confederation of States received one acces- 
sion after another, and greater unity of purpose and action 
began to appear amidst the general weakness and almost des- 
peration. Cornwallis ere long showed his first possibility of 
defeat on the field, and on the following October he surren- 


dered his entire forces at Yorktown. It was in that final con- 
flict that the brilliant Scamincll of New Hampshire fell. 

It is interesting to imagine what further distinctions Enoch 
Poor would have won had he lived but thirteen months more — 
until Cornwallis's surrender. His career was " short, unsullied, 
bright." A brigadier-general is often hidden by the rank, the 
dazzling fame, or the overweening egotism of his official supe- 
riors. But wherever we get even a glimpse of General Poor, 
he was equal to the call that summoned him ; his ability 
clearly overflowed the measure of his commission, so that he 
appears habitually to have been looked to by Washington and 
Lafayette for advanced position and increased responsibility. 
Never, in an official report by his superiors in command, or in 
diaries and letters which have come to light, is he spoken of 
without stress of esteem and honor. Had he survived, it is 
almost certain that his commanding reason and judgment, his 
remarkable popularity, and his power to inspire confidence 
among his fellows, would have told brilliantly in civil life. 
Many officers of the Continental army lived to achieve politi- 
cal fame. We can hardly doubt that Poor would have attained 
to prominence in the statesmanship of the new American era. 
We can easily and happily imagine his powerful and influential 
manhood coming forth from the great military struggle to dis- 
tinguished public service to his adopted state, if not in the 
nation he had so signally helped into being. Interpreting what 
he did as pledge and token of what he might have accom- 
plished had he rounded the full period of manhood, w r e will in 
our time hold high the name of Enoch Poor, as worthy of the 
honoring of every patriot of New Hampshire, and of our great 


In the Pennsylvania Magazine of September, 17S0, appears 
this advertisement : " Part of the Effects of the late brigadier- 
general Poor (among which are several Suits of Cloaths, a Gen- 
teel Small Sword, Sash, Appauletts, and many other articles) 
will be Vendued at Lieut. Col. Dearborn's Marquee Tomor- 
row morning Ten O'Clock." 


General Poor left no sons to continue his name. Of his 
three daughters, Patty married Bradbury Cilley of Notting- 
ham, N. H. ; Harriet married Jacob Cilley of the same town ; 
and Mary became the wife of Rev. John Cram of Exeter, N H. 

March 24, 1781, General Poors widow petitioned the state 
of New Hampshire that the depreciation of her husband's 
wages during the time between the date of his commission as 
colonel to the time of his death be made up to her. On her 
petition, in 1784, her name was entered on the pay-roll in ac- 
cordance with an act passed Aug. 24, 1780. 

The widow of General Poor died at Exeter in 1830, aged &$ 

Three of the brothers of General Poor were in the battle of 
Bunker Hill, namely : Major Thomas, Lieutenant Abraham, 
and private Daniel. 

At the corner of Center and Water streets in Exeter, stands 
now the building of the Exeter News Letter. ' On it is a tablet 
with this inscription: "Gen. Enoch Poor lived on this site 


Hon. John D. Lyman of Exeter, an accurate historical stu- 
dent, says: "The house was two-storied and unpainted, and is 
believed not to have been removed but torn down." 

Undoubtedly the death of General Poor occurred on the 8th 
of September, 1780, as stated on his monument, rather than 
September 9th, as given in the military journal of Dr. James 
Thatcher, quoted above. 

The literary feature of the first meeting of the season of the 
New England Historic-Genealogical Society was a paper by 
Capt. Albert A. Folsom upon "Gen. Enoch Poor," who was a 
native of Andover distinguished in the Revolution, and a 
favored friend of Washington. Captain Folsom brought out 
many interesting points about the brilliant soldier, who was a 
resident of Exeter, N. H., when he entered the army, and has 
naturally always been regarded as belonging, in a ^ense, to 
New Hampshire. The feature which the essay was intended 
to particularly emphasize, however, was the fact that, contrary 


to generally accepted tradition, prevalent ever since the gen- 
eral's death in 1780, General Poor did not die a violent death, 
as the result of a duel, but was carried off by fever. A story 
arose soon after the general's demise that he had been killed 
by a French officer in the Continental army on the "field of 
honor," but that the fact had been concealed, for fear of caus- 
ing hostility toward our French allies of that day. Later it 
was alleged that new discoveries proved the fatal duel to have 
been between General Poor and a Massachusetts clergyman in 
the army whose name was John Porter. 

Captain Folsom has been able to prove both stories false by 
means of an affidavit which he recently unearthed in the Gen- 
ealogical Society Library. The affidavit, which was sworn to 
within a year after General Poor's death, recites that the 
deponent, Jeremiah Fogg, was aide-de-camp to General Poor, 
was with him constantly for some time previous to his death, 
and knew positively that fever, and nothing else, was the 
cause of his death. This discovery by Captain Folsom proved 
of great interest to the historians present, as it was generally 
conceded as settling what has hitherto been a source of unend- 
ing disputation. 

A large audience was in attendance, by whom the address 
was received with great favor. The thanks of the Society 
were tendered Dr. Beane and a request made for a copy of the 

The Librarian announced that Rev. J. A. Howe, D. D., had 
prepared and given to the Society a history of the New Hamp- 
ton Free Baptist Biblical School, and Rev. William Hurlin of 
Antrim, an address on the Baptist Theological School of New 
Hampshire, 1 and a vote of thanks was tendered both gentle- 
men for their very acceptable and valuable contributions. 

Prof. Alfred H. Campbell, principal of the State Normal 
School at Plymouth, was elected an active member of the 

The Standing Committee of the Society, to whom was 
referred the proposition made two years ago, and renewed at 

1 Printed in the 28th volume of the Granite Monthly, page 17. 


the last annual meeting, for the purchase of the Chadwick lot, 
so called, adjoining the Society's lot on the south, made a 
report recommending the purchase of that property and 
offered the following resolution, which was adopted by a unan- 
imous vote : 

Resolved, That the sum of eighteen hundred and twenty-five 
dollars ($1,825) t> e and hereby is appropriated in payment for 
the above mentioned lot. The Treasurer is hereby authorized 
to borrow in the name of the Society any part of this amount 
that may be necessary. He shall also receive and care for 
the deeds of said lot. 

On motion of William P. Fiske, the Standing Committee 
was authorized to care for the newly purchased lot. 

At 3 130 p. m., voted to adjourn to the call of the President. 

The meeting in May was held on Wednesday, the 10th 
instant, at 2 o'clock in the afternoon, President Stevens in the 

Hon. A. S. Batchellor of Littleton made announcement of a 
gift to the Society of a " Memorial of Joseph Wait, Lieutenant- 
Colonel in the Continental Army," by the Hon. Horatio L. 
Wait of Chicago, and the Secretary was instructed to return 
the thanks of the Society to the donor. 

The following named persons were elected members of the 
Society : 

W. W. Griffiths, Hillsborough Bridge. 

Harry W. Keves, Haverhill. 

Col. Frank G. Noyes, Nashua. 

Gen. Daniel M. White, Peterborough. 

Hon. Virgil C.'Gilman, Nashua. 

Dr. George M. Kimball, Concord. 

Mrs. Lucy R. H. Cross, Concord. 

Mrs. Annie M. (Foster) Seaton, New York. 

Dr. William H. Seaton, New York. 

The Secretary presented a communication from the Rev. 
Edward Everett Hale of Boston, inviting this Society, by a 


Committee, to unite with the Massachusetts Historical Society 
in the observance of the Third Centennial of the birth of 
Oliver Cromwell, at the First Church in Boston, May 12, 1899. 
The Society voted to accept the invitation, and appointed the 
following Committee as its representatives on that occasion : 

President Lyman D. Stevens, 

Hon. A. S. Batchellor of Littleton, 

Hon. Joseph B. Walker, and 

Hon. Charles R. Corning of Concord. 

After which the speaker for the occasion, Col. Frank G. 
Noyes of Nashua, was introduced by the President, and 
delivered an address as previously announced. Subject : 
"Maj.-Gen. John G. Foster, Son of New Hampshire, Soldier 
of the Republic." 


The war of the great Rebellion taught the world that the 
people of the United States were more than a " nation of shop- 
keepers." The heroism, deeds of daring and courage, dis- 
played by the men of the South, as well as of the North, 
between the dates of Sumter and Appomattox, compelled 
mutual respect and admiration for the power and prowess of 
the men of both sections. They showed to the world that the 
men of all sections of the United States could " strike with the 
edge"; that they lacked none of the qualities that make 
soldiers and heroes. 

The Spanish- American War of the year of grace 1898, 
illustrated the peculiar qualities of our peace-loving people. 

The skill and courage of the American navy in the recent 
war with the Kingdom of Spain, supplemented by the indom- 
itable pluck of our army, brought speedy and marvelous suc- 
cess to our arms, and compelled our haughty foe quickly to 
sue for peace. 

The outcome of the War of the Rebellion showed the popple 
of the world that liberty and republics were possible. It not 


only taught the principle of equality, but also flashed the 
electric fire of freedom to other lands. That principle is 
immortal, and will stand unchanged amidst the ruins that time 
and tyranny may scatter over the universe. 

More than ' a hundred and twenty years have elapsed since 
this republic unfolded to the world the chart of her liberties. 
It seems as yesterday that she was young and weak ; to-day 
she ranks among the oldest, most stable, and most powerful 
governments of the earth. Years have not chilled the warm 
blood of her youth, nor diminished the ensign of her age. 
Time has written no wrinkles on her brow. With a conscious 
and just pride, she feels that the foundations of her govern- 
ment have outlasted all the constitutions of civilized Europe. 
Political systems without number have undergone revision 
suited to the spirit of the age. But the platform of a constitu- 
tion erected by the fathers of our Republic has required no 
further additions to elevate or support it, except the declara- 
tions of the 14th and 15th amendments to exemplify the state- 
ment that all men are created free and equal. 

We are no freer than our fathers were. The amount of 
liberty which satisfied them has been found sufficient for our 
happiness and prosperity. We have tested it in the crucible 
of civil war. 

In the historic little red schoolhouse of New Hampshire has 
been laid the foundations of education and character which 
have developed men who have been invincible in field and 

At the dedication of the Matthew Thornton monument at 
Merrimack the orator of the day used the following words con- 
cerning our state : "The soil, climate, and government of New 
Hampshire, from its earliest settlement, have conspired to fur- 
nish a splendid arena for making completely developed men 
and women. Physically, mentally, and morally her sons and 
daughters have ever been distinguished for being solidly 
equipped, rigidly disciplined, courageous, earnest, ready and 
able to meet and adapt themselves to any and all circum- 

" With a history full of romance and war, she has always 


found within her territorial limits men who were sufficiently 
strong and willing to defend and protect her from all assaults, 
while the nation never called upon her in vain for assistance. 

"In every crucial struggle of the Republic, whether civil or 
military, legal or legislative, moral or constitutional, New 
Hampshire has been a master force. Her sons, impelled by 
a patriotism that has never flagged, signed the immortal Dec- 
laration of Independence, were first among those who initiated 
the Revolution at Bunker Hill, were first and foremost at the 
decisive Battle of Bennington, entered into and helped form 
the American Union, stormed and captured the heights of 
Lundy's Lane, marched through Baltimore into the jaws of 
Death at Bull Run, and fought till the end at Appomattox. 

"The world has never seen a more intelligent, loyal, patri- 
otic, resolute race of men than have dominated the soil of 
New Hampshire since its abdication by the red man. 

" Small in area, rough and grand in surface, with pure water, 
vital and health-inspiring air, and peopled with a sturdy race, 
she has furnished more than a just share of courage, charac- 
ter, brain, and heart to the country. Almost every page of her 
history reveals a striking and a noble figure. Her mountain 
peaks which tower far above the level of the sea are not more 
numerous than her giant sons whose forceful deeds and lives 
have been conspicuous at home and abroad." 

The Colonial wars, the War of the Revolution, the War of 
181 2, the War of the Rebellion, and the recent war with Spain, 
— in all of which New Hampshire men were engaged — pro- 
duced men and heroes. It is the province of this paper to 
bring into strong relief the character, merits, and history of a 
man who was born in New Hampshire, and who illustrated in 
his public life the strong characteristics of American manhood. 

John Gray Foster, son of New Hampshire, soldier of the 
republic, was born in Whitefield, Coos county, May 27, 1823. 
He was a descendant of a long line of Scotch-English ances- 
tors who bore conspicuous parts in the field and forum of the 
mother country. It will answer our purpose to give his line- 
age in this country (which is the result of researches made by 
himself, in his own handwriting, about fifty years ago). 


Our researches show that men of our hero's patronymic 
have included those who were distinguished in their day and 
generation as divines, as soldiers, and as members of the Gen- 
eral Court in Massachusetts and in New Hampshire. One of 
them, Hopestill Foster, was a member of the Ancient and 
Honorable Artillery in 1642, representative in 1652, and for 
twenty years held a commission as captain of militia. 

Another, John, who was graduated at Harvard college in 
1667, designed the arms of the colony of Massachusetts, — an 
Indian with bow and arrows. 

By the " Genealogical Register of Pilgrims," in the library 
of the Mechanics' Institute at Lowell, Mass., we learn that 
prior to the year 1825 no less than thirty-nine men of the 
name of Foster had been graduated from colleges in New 

Let us now return to the lineage of John Gray Foster's 
immediate ancestry, as prepared by himself. 

William. Foster settled in Ipswich, Mass., in the year 1635. 
Reginald Foster settled in Ipswich, Mass., in the year 1636. 
Abraham Foster settled in Ipswich, Mass., in the year 1648. 
From one of these sprung Jacob Foster. To him and his wife 
Sarah their child Jacob was born about the year 1668. He 
was prominent in his section, and deacon in the First church 
of Ipswich. He died July 19, 17 10, leaving Abigail, his widow, 
and one daughter and four sons, among whom was Joseph. 
This son Joseph had by his wife Sarah one daughter and five 
sons. The second son, Isaac, was baptized August 1, 1720. 
Isaac married Sarah Brow, Nov. 18, 1744, and had five sons 
and three daughters. The fourth son, John, was born Jan. 28, 
1755 ; married Anna Beard, and by her had five sons and two 
daughters. The fourth son, Perley, was born Sept. 20, 1792 ; 
married Mary Gray, and by her had five sons and one daugh- 
ter. The second son, issue of Perley Foster and Mary Gray, 
is the subject of this sketch. 

General Foster was born in Whitefield, N. H., May 27, 1823, 
and died in Nashua, Sept. 2, 1874. His father, Maj. Perley 
Foster, removed to Nashua in the year 1833, when John Gray 
Foster was ten years of age. Captain (Maj.) Perley Foster is 


well remembered as a military enthusiast in the old time mili- 
tia days, and "who that then saw them does not remember the 
independent company of ' Whitefield Highlanders ' in their pic- 
turesque uniforms and well-ordered movements, and the old- 
fashioned annual musterings under the dignified conduct of 
their leader, Capt. Perley Foster, or the Nashua Light Artil- 
lery, which under command of the same captain was present 
at the dedication of the monument at Bunker Hill in the 
year 1843. 

"The father's military spirit was intensified in the son, and 
as a lad he was always the chosen commander of military com- 
panies, which were solemn realities to him in those days of 
boyish sports." 1 

When our hero was ten years old, his father settled in 
Nashua, and in the schools of that city and at the Hancock 
academy, as well as at the United States military school at 
West Point, were laid the foundations of his subsequent 

He was appointed in the year 1842, to the United States 
Military Academy, through the influence of Charles G. Ather- 
ton of Nashua, who was then a member of congress from New 
Hampshire, and young Foster proved himself worthy of the 
confidence of that eminent man. 

Foster graduated from West Point in 1846, ranking fourth 
in a distinguished class with McClellan, Reno, Sturgis, Stone- 
man, Oakes, Gibbs, and George H. Gordon, names now famous 
as commanders in the United States army during the War of 
the Rebellion, and with "Stonewall" Jackson, Wilcox, and 
Dabney H. Maury, who were numbered with the best tacticians 
in the late Confederate army. 

Upon his graduation, Foster was commissioned second lieu- 
tenant in the Corps of Engineers, and assigned to duty in the 
bureau at Washington. Immediately thereafter he was at- 
tached to the company of sappers, miners, and pontoniers, 
then just organized for the war with Mexico. He joined Gen- 
eral Scott's army at Vera Cruz, and participated with it in the 
siege of that stronghold from March 9 to 29, 1847, when the 
1 Hist, of Cob's Co.,/. 484. 


famous castle of San Juan d'Ulloa surrendered ; at the battles 
of Cerro Gordo, April 17 to 18; at Contreras in August; at 
Cherubusco and Molino del Rey. 

In leading the storming column of Worth's division in the 
assault of Molino del Rey, Sept. 8, 1847, he was severely 
wounded in the hip. His dangerous wound confined him to a 
sick bed for several months. 

The writer has seen in the collection of Hon. Chas. W. Hoitt, 
of Nashua, a long and friendly letter written to Foster by Lieut. 
George B. McClellan, from the City of Mexico, dated May 5, 
1848. This letter shows the affection in which our young lieu- 
tenant was held at that time by his friend and classmate, who 
in the War of the Rebellion achieved so brilliant a reputation 
as Major-General George B. McClellan. 

City of Mexico, May 5, 1848. 
My Dear Foster : — You can form some idea of the pleasure 
with which I received yours of " all fools' day," when I tell you 
that the last news we heard from you, through Stewart, S. S., 
were that your physicians had given you up as a gone coon. I 
was looking for some further news from you with the greatest 
anxiety and dread, and need not tell you how glad I am to see 
from the tone of your letter that the venerable subaltern is 
still alive and kicking, — not only that, but that he is likely to 
remain so. The mail arrived last night, but as usual brought 
me not a single letter from home. They have been treating 
me with the most sovereign contempt for the last four months. 
I suppose they think that as the chances of my ever getting 
home are quite small, they will save themselves a vast amount 
of trouble and letter paper by cutting my acquaintance, — muy 
bien, que sea como quieren! We have been turned out of the 
Lombardini house since you left, for the old fellow's family, 
and are now living in the third story of the post-office building, 
almost immediately opposite. There was no furniture here 
when we came, but we have managed to get quite a number of 
chairs and tables from the palace, so that we might be much 
worse off. We have lost the view from the windows, which is 
the worst part of the change. Harrison has arrived and is 
living with us. Smith, Stuart, Lee, Barnard, Beauregard, and 
Harrison have all gone to Cuernavaca to see the cave, etc. I 
hope that peace may be made by the time they return ; I have 
my doubts, though. Alexander has arrived since they left, he 
is for the present staying with me, but he will have to find 


other quarters by the time they get back ; there is not room 
enough here. 

Since you went, that little attorney Shell has been appointed 
a second lieutenant in one of the ten regiments, so we are rid 
of him at last. I received by last night's mail the appoint- 
ment of Yeager as a second lieutenant in the Third Dragoons. 
I discharged him this morning so that we now bear on the 
morning report forty-two present and absent. You will have 
heard before you receive this that a quorum has at last been 
got together. Now it remains to be seen what they will, in 
the plentitude of their wisdom, do. I presume we will know in 
three weeks, for it would appear to be a moral impossibility to 
keep together such discordant elements for a longer period — 
doubtless one very great inducement for them to make peace 
will be the desire of landing the six millions they are to receive 
upon the ratification of the treaty. If they don't get that they 
can 't get their pay, and I imagine they care as much for them- 
selves as for their country. Many thanks for your kind wishes 
in relation to the " consolation " and " the rays of light" from 
la casa en f rente, but I fear you are premature. I reckon I 
should be cut if I tried, and even if I wished to and could suc- 
ceed, I am so unfortunate as to be a poor damned beggar of a 
teniente. I have been asked more than once about the " Pob- 
seatoLerido." I am sincerely sorry for the awkward mistake made 
about John Earle's books. It rather diminishes my implicit 
trust in-prcvidence. Better luck next time. I have no doubt 
about having command of one of the four companies when the 
colonel gets them. The period is the only question. I opine 
that I will be an old fogie by that time. You are too modest 
in speaking merely for the first lieutenantcy. Won't you have 
the second captaincy? I am sorry to say that I have lost 
sight of Billy (that animal minus his caudal appendage) since 
Duncan's Battery went out to Taenbaya, but I have been anx- 
iously looking for him among the winners at the race course, 
so far in vain, but I doubt not that I shall soon behold the tail 
wagged in all the pride, pomp, and circumstance of a winner 
of the Oakes. 

Hoping that I may soon see you i?i propria persona, 
Believe me as ever, 
_ Truly your friend, 

Geo. B. McClellan, 
Lieutenant of Engineers. 

P. S. Give my kindest regards to Stewart' when you see him. 
I hope that you will have discarded at least one crutch^when 
I see you. 


There came by the last mail from the auditor's office an ac- 
knowledgment of the receipt of the money for gout salve. I 
send it to you. 

From the end of the Mexican War, in which he had won two 
brevets for his gallantry and meritorious services, until i860, 
Captain Foster was engaged in various engineer duties, and 
was also at the coast survey office at Washington. From 1855 
to 1857, he served as principal assistant professor of engineer- 
ing in the U. S. Military Academy at West Point. 

From the valuable collection of Judge Hoitt, mentioned above, 
the writer has been shown a letter written from West Point to 
Foster, dated Sept. 2, 1854, by Col. Robert E. Lee, who was at 
that time commandant of the Military Academy. This epistle 
breathes love and esteem in every line, and shows an earnest 
desire to assist Lieutenant Foster in any way possible. It in- 
dicates plainly that our hero possessed those lovable qualities 
that we claim were developed stronger and stronger as the 
years rolled on. At any rate, we make no apology for referring 
to' that letter written by no less a man and soldier than Gen. 
Robert E. Lee, who afterward held the supreme command of 
all the rebel armies that were arrayed against the United States 
in the War of the Rebellion. 

West Point, Sept. 2, 1854. 

My Dear Capt. Foster : — I am delighted at having you at 
W. P. But the same cause that detracts from your anticipa- 
tions of comfort detracts from my anticipations of pleasure, the 
want of quarters. On the reception of your note I began to 
cast around to see what could be done. I am unable to say 
anything cheering, all the quarters for families will be chosen 
over you. When you come on you are so fertile in expedients 
that I hope you will discover some remedy for the difficulty. 
Till then I hope you will be comfortable and happy with Mrs. 
F. in Baltimore, and she will then be happy to get rid of you 
for a season, to escape the long, dreary winter at W. P. by 
remaining in B. Remember me kindly to her, and though I 
should be much pleased to have her with us, still, for her 
comfort I should have been more gratified had you got a more 
comfortable station. 

I am very truly yours, 

R. E. Leb: 

Capt. J. G. Foster. 


In the year 1858 Foster was assigned to duty as chief en- 
gineer in charge, and was engaged in building Fort Sumter. 
July 1, i860, after fourteen years' continuous service, he was 
commissioned as full captain of engineers. December 26, i860, 
Maj. Robert Anderson, First Artillery, U. S. A., took command 
of Fort Sumter, which subsequently remained under his com- 
mand until its surrender, April 13, 1861. 

The beginning of the War of the Rebellion found Captain 
Foster at its initial point, U. S. engineer in charge of the forti- 
fications of Charleston Harbor, S. C, and in building Fort 
Sumter. Here he displayed marked activity and skill in pre- 
paring to meet the anticipated attack upon them. He was in 
command when the garrison of Fort Moultrie was transferred 
to Fort Sumter, December 26, i860. 

Foster was on duty at Fort Sumter when the steamer Star of 
the West was fired on. It will be remembered that the U. S. gov- 
ernment attempted during the winter of i860 to succor the garri- 
son at Fort Sumter with stores of food and two hundred well- 
armed and well-instructed recruits from Fort Columbus. These 
trdops, under able officers, were placed on board the steamer 
Star of the West, and sailed for Charleston Harbor. The 
steamer was making her way to Fort Sumter, and on crossing 
the bar she was fired on by the rebel batteries and forced to 
turn back without accomplishing her errand. 

He was engaged in the historic defense of Sumter, being 
second in command, and was present when it surrendered 
April 13, 1861. The daily reports made to the chief of engin- 
eers of the army by Captain Foster, for several weeks, while in 
this service, up to the time of the bombardment, gave a con- 
cise account of the operations inside the fort, and also outside, 
so far as his spy-glass could command a distinct view. They 
also contained sketches of the enemy's batteries and their po- 
sition, besides the number and calibre of the guns mounted 
inside Fort Sumter. The final stoppage of the mails by the 
rebel authorities on the eighth day of April, prevented further 
commentaries in this way. 

Up to and including April 8, 1861, Foster had made cjaily 
reports by mail to the chief engineer of the army of the 


progress of the work on Fort Sumter. On that date, as stated 
before, farther communication in that way was prevented by 
the rebel authorities, who then stopped the carriage or de- 
livery of U. S. mails. I find among General Foster's papers, 
under date of May 20, 1861, a report made by Foster to Gen- 
eral Totten, chief engineer, U. S. A., of the operations in Char- 
leston Harbor, from April 9 to the date of the evacuation of 
Fort Sumter by Major Anderson's command on the 14th of 
April, 1 86 1. This report is of great interest, giving as it does 
a detailed statement of the heroic defense of Fort Sumter 
when attacked by the rebels under Beauregard, which was the 
overt act which commenced the four years of terrible civil 
war that only ended with the final and complete triumph of 
our arms and the surrender at Appomattox. 

This report, together with a mass of letters, correspondence, 
etc., between Captain' Foster, Major Anderson, John B. 
Floyd, the then Secretary of War, S. Cooper, Adjutant- 
General U. S. A., Colonel De Russey, Commanding Corps of 
Engineers, U. S. A., Horatio G. Wright, captain of engineers 
in charge of engineering department, Washington, and others, 
may be found in Series 1, Vol. 1, Official Records of the Union 
and Confederate Armies, published pursuant to Act of Con- 
gress, approved June 11, 1880. It seems proper to insert 
here from this report, Foster's statement of the armament of 
Fort Sumter, and also of the guns, batteries, etc., which the 
rebels had set up to use against Fort Sumter. 


On Morris Island : Breaching Battery No. 1 — two 42-pound- 
ers ; one 12-pounder, Blakely rifled gun. 

Morton Battery (next to No. 7) — four 10-inch mortars. 

Breaching Battery No. 2 (Iron Clad Battery) — three 8-inch 

Mortar Battery (next to No. 2) — three 10-inch mortars. 

On James' Island: Battery at Fort Johnson — three 24- 
pounders (only one of them being on Fort Sumter). 

Mortar Battery, south of Fort Johnson — four io-uich 


On Sullivan's Island.- Iron Clad (Floating) Battery — four 

Columbiad Battery, No. 1 — one 9-inch Dahlgren gun. 

Columbiad Battery, No. 2 — four 8-inch Columbiads. 

Mortar Battery, west of Ft. Moultrie — three 10-inch mortars. 

Mortar Battery, on parade in rear of Ft. Moultrie — two 10- 
inch mortars. 

Fort Moultrie — three 8-inch Columbiads. Two 8-inch S. C. 

Five 32-pounders, four 24-pounders. 

At Mount Pleasant — one 10-inch mortar. 

Total, firing on Fort Sumter, thirty guns, seventeen mortars. 

The armament of Fort Sumter was as follows : 

Barbette tier: Right Flank — one 10-inch Columbiad, four 8- 
inch Columbiads, four 42-pounders. . 

Right Face — none. 

Left Face — three 8-inch Sea-coast Howitzers, one 32- 

Left Flank — one 10-inch Columbiad, two 8-inch Colum- 
biads, two 42-pounders. 

Gorge — one 8-inch Sea-coast Howitzer, two 32-pounders, 
six 24-pounders. 

Total in Barbette, twenty-seven guns. 

Casemate tier: Right Flank — one 42 pounder, four 32- 

Right Face — three 42-pounders. 

Left Face — ten 32-pounders. 

Left Flank — five 32-pounders. 

Gorge — two 32-pounders. 

Total in casemate, twenty-one guns. 

Total available in both tiers, forty-eight guns. 

After the bombardment and surrender of Sumter, Foster, 
from New York, as stated above, sent to General Totten, 
Chief Engineer U. S. Army, Washington, D. C, the record of 
service up to April 13, when Fort Sumter surrendered. 

For a short period after the surrender of Fort ^Sumter 
Major Foster was on duty at Washington, D. C, and Sandy 


Hook, N. J. He was appointed, October 23, 186 1, brigadier- 
general, U. S. Volunteers, when he entered upon his brilliant 
career in the Civil War. 

With the Burnside North Carolina expedition he won the bre- 
vet, February 8, 1862, of lieutenant-colonel, U. S. A., for gallant 
service and capture of Roanoke Island, N. C, and March 12, 
1862, the brevet of colonel, U. S. A., for gallant and meritorious 
service in the capture of Newberne, N. C. July 1, 1862, Gen- 
eral Foster with the Eighteenth Army Corps was placed in 
command of the Department of North Carolina. (Here several 
New Hampshire regiments came under his command). In 
this command he organized and conducted several expedi- 
tions, the principal one being for the destruction of the 
Goldsborough railroad bridge, in which he had to fight four 
battles in as many days. 

In the early part of the year 1863, Foster was actively 
engaged in resisting the rebel General Hill, who having been 
repulsed at Newberne made vigorous efforts to capture Little 
Washington, an important post commanding the passage from 
Tau to Pamlico river, where Foster with a small garrison was 
shut up. An attempt was made by land to relieve the Union 
position, but it failed ; all was suspense, and for many days 
continued so. 

At last, on the afternoon of April 10, 1863, with only a 
forlorn hope for success — the river had been so thoroughly 
fortified and obstructed by the enemy — to save the garrison 
from starvation, a steamer was fitted out and left Newberne 
with supplies of food and a regiment of stout hearts. With 
much hazard and some loss of life the boat passed the bat- 
teries and succeeded in landing its freight. With food, the 
position being a strong one, the Union troops were able to 
hold out, but General Foster desired to do more — defeat his 
besiegers. • 

Becoming tired of the futile efforts of his subordinates to 
bring troops to his assistance, he determined to return by the 
same boat that had brought his command relief in food, and 
he started on this forlorn hope, the issue of which was ex- 
tremely doubtful, on the afternoon of April 14, 1S63. 


On arriving at the rebel batteries they opened on the 
steamer a furious fire ; being within range, the infantry of the 
enemy poured in volley after volley. The craft was struck by 
six and twelve pound shot more than twenty times, besides 
being thoroughly bored by musket balls. A Minie bullet 
killed the pilot. Shot holes were made at the water line, but 
the leaks were stopped. One of the missiles passed through 
General Foster's own stateroom, cutting the mattress in twain, 
he being at that time in another part of the boat. Balls struck 
the machinery, but fortunately did not disable it, and the boat 
went on, reaching Newberne the same night. The presence 
of the commander of the department restored confidence, and 
he commenced work at once. A division of troops was soon 
in marching order, but the enemy knew their man too well ; he 
had escaped from their anticipated capture of him, and they 
rapidly made haste to get away. Meanwhile General Foster 
received a commission as major-general, U. S. Vols., to rank 
from July 18, 1862. 

Upon the return of General Foster from North Carolina, 
President Lincoln was so delighted with his skill, energy, and 
pluck, that our hero was assigned to a more important com- 
mand than he had hitherto held, that of the Department of 
Virginia and North Carolina, with headquarters at Fortress 
Monroe, from whence he made a daring reconnoissance by 
steamer up the James river, amidst exploding torpedoes. 

In the summer of 1863, when Burnside was shut up in 
Knoxville, Tenn., by Longstreet's invading forces, General 
Foster was sent to his relief, with the intention of attacking 
the Confederates in the rear. The movement becoming 
known to Longstreet, and he being fearful for the safety 
of his command, threatened in front and rear, raised the siege 
of Knoxville after a severe repulse at Fort Sanders, and began 
his retreat eastwardly. 

When Burnside was relieved of the command of the army 
and Department of the Ohio, Foster was assigned thereto, 
Dec. 12, 1863, but was obliged to ask relief and relinquish it 
Feb. 9, 1864, in consequence of severe injuries received>from 
the fall of his horse. As soon as he had somewhat recovered, 


he was assigned, May 26, 1864, to command the Department 
of the South, with headquarters at Hilton Head. 

At this time a vigorous blockade was maintained by our 
government. Admiral Dupont had been commanding the 
South American blockading squadron, but on July 6, 1863, 
Admiral John A. Dahlgren, the distinguished inventor of the 
famous Dahlgren guns, relieved Admiral Dupont and let fly 
his flag on the Wabash. 

On May 26, 1864, the following entry was made by Admiral 
Dahlgren in his private journal: "Off Charleston. The new 
military commander, General Foster, arrived. Sent an aide with 
my compliments." On the next day this record from the same 
book is made : u May 27. In the afternoon went ashore to 
see General Foster." 

Courtesies were exchanged by the commanding officers of 
the army and navy, as shown in the private journal of Admiral 
Dahlgren of the year 1864, above mentioned. Besides the 
foregoing extracts, Admiral Dahlgren made, under May 28th, 
the following: "General Foster visited me in the afternoon." 
May 30th, the same admiral made the following entry: 
"General Foster sent me despatches from General Gordon at 
Jacksonville. Gave an account of his expedition up the river 
which ended in the loss of the Columbine. I sent down the 

From this time until General Foster — whose old wound 
demanded attention at the North — was relieved from his com- 
mand, General Foster and Admiral Dahlgren, who had learned 
mutual respect for sterling qualities, not only of patriotism but 
also of intellect, of courage, and all those qualities of head and 
of heart that go to make up genius, held each other in high 
esteem, and the close students of those stirring times are able 
to learn but very little, if any, of the jealousies that existed 
both prior and subsequent to the time that General Foster held 
command of the Department of the South. 

Amongst all the thrilling and stirring attempts to recapture 
Fort Sumter, none promised better results than the attacks 
planned by Foster during the summer of 1864 by means, of 
powder boats or rafts. General Butler subsequently attempted 


to use the same means of aggression and attack during his 
famous demonstrations on Fort Fisher, but "The best laid 
schemes o' mice and men gang aft agley," and the same results 
by these means attended the efforts of both these great gen- 
erals — failure. 

It is impossible in the limits of this biographical sketch to 
give in detail the history of the events that crowded each other 
during General Foster's command of the Department of the 
South between May, 1864, and the succeeding February. 
Suffice it to say that Foster during all this time not only did 
his duty faithfully, but won encomiums from every one, and 
when he turned over his command of the Department of the 
South, he stood very high not only with all fair-minded men in 
the country, but also in the confidence and esteem of Presi- 
dent Lincoln and Secretary Stanton, and the others who knew 
him best, as well personally as for his patriotism and devotion. 

His wounds sustained while in the line of duty both in the 
Mexican War and in the War of the Rebellion, from which he 
suffered intensely, doubtless prevented any very brilliant and 
startling blows, but he was faithful in the performance of 
every duty. 

When it became known that Sherman was marching 
through Georgia, Foster opened communications with him by 
way of the Ossabaw and Warsaw Sounds, and also assisted 
him by making demonstrations on Pocotaligo, and other points 
along the line of railway from Savannah to Charleston. So 
well was this cooperation carried out that the first reliable 
news of the success of General Sherman's march from Atlanta 
to the sea, was sent to Washington from General Foster's 
command, and on Dec. 22, 1864, he opened up communica- 
tion, with Savannah by water. After General Sherman's 
famous march from Atlanta to the sea, General Foster was 
assigned to duty in Florida, where he was successfully en- 
gaged during the final operation of the Federal arms, which 
ended in the collapse of the Rebellion and the surrender by 
General Lee at Appomattox. 

Soon after this surrender, the new Department of ^Florida 
was organized, and embraced within its limits the whole 


state of Florida in the military division of the gulf. General 
Foster was assigned to command this department, the general 
headquarters being at Tallahassee, the capital of the state. 
He and his troops thereby became subject to the orders of 
General Sheridan. In this new command he continued active, 
intelligent, and impartial, and closed his military career in the 
War of the Rebellion in the complete enjoyment of the esteem 
of his associates, the respect of his subordinates, and in the 
full confidence of the people and the Government of the 
United States. 

General Foster stood very high in the estimation of Generals 
Sherman and Sheridan, both of whom recommended him for 
promotion at the close of the war. 

The compiler has seen letters addressed to the secretary of 
war, and to General Grant, written in behalf of General Foster, 
and recommending him in the very strongest terms for promo- 
tion to high rank in the army. It would seem that letters 
written by such men as Daniel Clark, Aaron H. Cragin, United 
States senators at the time they wrote, E. H. Rollins, J. W. 
Patterson, and Gilman Marston, members of congress, Henry 
Wilson, United States senator, Gov. William Marvin of Florida, 
also United States senator, and many other distinguished men 
of influence would have gained for Foster such rank as was 
desired for him in the regular army, but the president of the 
United States, after the close of the war, did not promote him 
to be a full major-general, U. S. A., or a full brigadier-general, 
U. S. A., but did not refuse to confer on him the rank of 
brevet major-general, U. S. A. 

In a letter written to General Foster under date of July 17, 
1866, by the father of the present governor of New Hampshire, 
who was then in congress, Hon. E. H. Rollins, he used the fol- 
lowing words regarding the then president of the United 
States : "His present conduct indicates that he would not, in 
the selection of officers, be influenced by his original political 
friends, and I am in doubt as to the aid our congressional del- 
egation might be able to give you in the line of promotion you 
desire, and which you deserve." Ex uno omnes disce. *> 

He of whom the distinguished congressman just quoted 


wrote, was the constitutional president of the United States. 
Xret us, therefore, quote the famous lines of Matthew Prior, and 

leave him : 

Be to his virtues very kind, 
Be to his faults a little blind. 

General Foster was also regarded very highly by Edwin M. 
Stanton, the famous secretary of war. This statement is evi- 
denced by letters which the writer has seen, in one of which 
the distinguished secretary used the following words to Gov- 
ernor Marvin of Florida, in the winter of 1865-66 : " I 
have great confidence in the administrative ability of General 

The marked ability of General Foster was recognized abroad 
as well as at home. His reputation was international. In the 
year 1868 he published a pamphlet on submarine blasting. 
This monograph was recognized throughout the civilized 
world, and was considered to be authority on that subject. In 
the year 1869, Gen. Sir John F. Burgoyne, field marshal of the 
British army, sent a letter to Brevet Major-General John 
Newton, who ranked General Foster in the Corps of Engineers, 
and requested that a copy of Foster's book on submarine blast- 
ing should be sent to him. General Burgoyne afterward wrote 
a letter to General Foster thanking him for the book which he 
had sent through General Newton. This letter, which the com- 
piler has seen, was dated London, September 20, 1869. 

General Foster was made president of the Railroad Com- 
mission when the project was planned to build a railway through 
the government land at and near West Point. He was also a 
member of the Sutro Tunnel Commission. These, together 
with numerous other high positions that he held, tend to show 
that he was regarded as a superior " all round man." 

During his long service of thirty-two years in the United 
States army, our hero received from the president no less than 
sixteen commissions. The following is a list of such commis- 
sions with the date and rank conferred by each : 

On July 1, 1842, John G. Foster was a cadet in the United 
States Military Academy, to July 1, 1846. Subsequently he 
received the following commissions : 


July 1, 1846, brevet second lieutenant, U. S. A. 

August 20, 1847, brevet first lieutenant, U. S. A., for gallant 
and meritorious conduct in the battles of Contreras and Cheru- 
busco, Mexico. 

September 8, 1847, brevet captain, U. S. A., for gallant and 
meritorious conduct in the battle of Molino del Rey, Mexico. 

May 24, 1848, second lieutenat Corps of Engineers, U. S. A. 

April 1, 1854, first lieutenant Corps of Engineers, U. S. A. 

July 1, i860, captain Corps of Engineers, U. S. A., for four- 
teen years' continuous service. 

December 26, i860, brevet major, U. S. A., for the distin- 
guished part taken by him in the transfer of the garrison of Fort 
Moultrie, to Fort Sumter, Charleston Harbor, S. C. 

May 14, 186 1, major Eleventh U. S. Infantry, declined. 

October 23, 1861, brigadier-general U. S. Volunteers. 

February 8, 1862, brevet lieutenant-colonel, U. S. A., for 
gallant and meritorious service in the capture of Roanoke 
Island, N. C. 

March 12, 1862, brevet colonel, U. S. A., for gallant and 
meritorious services in the capture of Newberne, N. C. 

July 18, 1862, major-general U. S. Volunteers. 

March 3, 1863, major Corps of Engineers, U. S. A. 

March 13, 1865, brevet brigadier-general, U. S. A., for gal- 
lant and meritorious services in the capture of Savannah, Ga. 

March 13, 1865, brevet major-general, U. S. A., for gal- 
lant and meritorious services in the field during the Rebellion. 

March 7, 1867, lieutenant-colonel Corps of Engineers, 
U. S. A. 

On the first day of September, 1866, he was mustered out of 
the volunteer service. 

On the 30th day of August, 1866, by order of the secretary 
of war, he was assigned to duty in accordance with his brevet 
rank of major-general, U. S. A. 

General Foster was a man of very commanding presence, 
possessed of a superior mind and great executive ability, was 
ardent and energetic in the performance of duty, had undaunted 
courage and unswerving loyalty. By nature he was geniaf and 


sympathetic, manifested cordiality and affection to his com- 
panions, was an admirable raco?iteur with an almost exhaustless 
store of anecdote and story, and by his family and intimates 
was greatly beloved. 

Following may be found the military history of General 
Foster in detail : 

Entered as cadet U. S. Military Academy, West Point, July 
i, 1842, from which he was graduated after a full course of 
four years, on July 1, 1846. 

Served as follows : Assistant engineer in the engineer 
bureau at Washington, D. C, 1846; in the war with Mexico, 
1847-48, attached to the company of sappers, miners, and pon- 
toniers ; was engaged in the siege of Vera Cruz, March 9-29, 
1847 ' tne battle of Cerra Gordo, April 17-18, 1847 '■> battle of 
Contreras, Aug. 19-20, 1847 ; battle of Cherubusco, Aug. 20, 
1847 ; battle of Molino del Rey, Sept. 8, 1847, where he was 
severely wounded ; on sick leave of absence, disabled by 
wounds, 1847-48; assistant engineer in building Fort Car- 
roll, Patapsco river, Md., 1848-52; at coast survey office, 
Washington, D. C, March 20, 1852, to April 26, 1854; assist- 
ant engineer in building Fort Carroll, Md., 1854; at the mili- 
tary academy as principal assistant, professor of engineering, 
Jan. 11, 1855, to June 27, 1857 ; as superintending engineer of 
the survey of the site of fort at Willetts Point, L. I., N. Y., 
1857 ; of preliminary operations for building fort at Sandy 
Hook, N. J., 1857-58; of building Fort Sumter and repairs of 
Fort Moultrie, Charleston harbor, S. C, 1858-61; also in 
charge of forts Macon and Caswell, N. C, 1858-61 ; and 
also of construction of Fort Carroll, Md., 1859-60. 

He served in the Rebellion of the seceding states, 1861- 
66, as follows: As chief engineer of the fortifications of 
Charleston harbor, S. C, being engaged in strengthening the 
works in anticipation of attack upon them, transporting the 
garrison of Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter, Dec. 26, i860, and 
in defence of Sumter, Dec. 27, i860, to April 14, 1861, includ- 
ing its bombardment, April 12-14, 1861, when it was surren- 
dered and evacuated ; as assistant engineer in the engineer 
bureau at Washington, D. C, April 22 to May 5, 1861 ; as 


superintending engineer of the construction of Sandy Hook 
fort, N. J-, May u lo Nov. 22, 1861; in command of troops 
(Brig.-Gen. U. S. Vols.) at Annapolis, Md., Nov. 25 to Dec. 20, 

1861 ; on General Burnside's North Carolina expedition, com- 
manding brigade, Dec. 20, 1861, to July 1, 1862, being engaged 
in the capture of Roanoke Island, with its garrison and arma- 
ment, Feb. 8, 1862, capture of Newberne, March 14, 1862, -and 
bombardment of Fort Macon, which capitulated April 26, 

1862 ; in command of the Department of North Carolina, July 
1, 1862, to July 13, 1863 (his force constituting the 18th Army 
Corps; Dec. 24, 1862, he was commissioned a major-general, 
U. S. Volunteers, 1 to rank from July 18, 1862), during which 
time he successfully conducted the expedition to burn the rail- 
road bridge, December, 1862, being engaged in the Battle of 
South West Creek, December 14, 1862 ; combat of Kingston, 
Dec. 15, 1862 ; action of Whitehall, Dec. 17, 1862; Battle of 
Goldsborough Bridge, Dec. 18, 1862 ; repulse of the Rebel at- 
tack on Newberne, March 14, 1863 ; and defense of Wash- 
ington, N. C, March 29 to April 16, 1863, when the siege was 
raised; in command of the Department of Virginia and North 
Carolina, July 15 to Nov. 13, 1863, and of the Army and 
Department of the Ohio, Dec. 12, 1863, to Feb. 9, 1864, which 
he was obliged to relinquish in consequence of severe injuries 
received from the fall of his horse, Dec. 23, 1864; on sick 
leave or waiting orders, at Baltimore, Md., Feb. 9 to May 5, 
1864; in command of the Department of the South, May 26, 
1864, to Feb. 11, 1865; in command of the Department of 
Florida, Aug. 7, 1865, to Dec. 5, 1866. 

Mustered out of volunteer service, Sept. 1, 1866. 

1 Special Orders No. 439. 

War Department, 
Aojutant-general's Office, 
Washington, Sept. 3, 1S66. 

5. The telegraphic orders from tins office dated Aug. 30, 1S66, assigning to duty- 
according to their brevet rank the following named officers, are hereby confirmed: 
Brevet Major-General John G. Foster, Major Corps of Engineers. 

By order of the Secretary of the War, 

E. D. Townsend, 
Official : Assistant Adj utant-Gen«ral. 

E. D. Townsend, 

Assistant Adjutant-General. 


Subsequently he served in the Regular Army as follows : 
On temporary duty in the engineer bureau at Washington, 
T). C, January, 1867, to May 10, 1867 ; as superintending en- 
gineer of the defenses of Portsmouth, N. H., and works for 
the preservation and improvement of Boston harbor (except 
sea-walls of Great Brewster, Deer, and Lovell's islands), Mass., 
May 10, 1867, to May 25, 187 1 ; of improvement of Province- 
town harbor, Mass., June, 1868, to May 25, 187 1 ; of surveys 
of Gloucester, Wellfleet, and Wareham harbors, Mass., July, 
1870, to May 14, 187 1 ; and of improvement of Taunton and 
Merrimack rivers, and Hyannis and Plymouth harbors, Mass., 
July, 1870, to May 14, 187 1 ; as assistant to the chief of engi- 
neers at Washington, D. C, May 14, 187 1, to June n, 1874; 
as superintending engineer of the improvement of Merrimack 
river and harbors of Gloucester, Salem, Boston, Duxbury, Ply- 
mouth, Wellfleet, and Provincetown, Mass., June ir to Aug. 
24, 1874; of repairs and construction of the sea-walls of Great 
Brewster, Deer, and Lovell's islands, June it to Aug. 24, 1874, 
and of survey of Hingham harbor, Mass., July to August, 1874, 
and as member of board on wreck of steamer Scotland in New 
York harbor, March 26 to July 31, 1868; on improvement of 
Oswego harbor, N. Y., July, 1868 ; on location of West Shore 
R. R. through public lands at West Point, N. Y., 1870; on 
improvement of Erie harbor, Pa., October, 1870; on Sutro 
tunnel, Nevada, April 27-, 187 1, to Jan. 6, 1872 ; on locks of 
Louisville and Portland canal, December, 187 1 ; on improve- 
ment of Cape Fear river, May 14, 1872; and on harbor of 
refuge on Lake Erie, July, 1872. 

He died Sept. 2, 1874, at Nashua, N. H., aged 51. 

When he was borne to the grave at his Nashua home, busi- 
ness was suspended, thousands of sorrowing friends rilled the 
streets, mourning badges floated from public and private build- 
ings, and the air was filled with the sound of tolling bells, min- 
ute guns, and muftled drums. 

General Foster, in honor of whom the Post in the Grand 
Army of the Republic in the city of Nashua was named, was 
buried at the old cemetery in Nashua with military honors. 

On the 5th day of September, 1874, to his parent earth in 


the old cemetery of Nashua, N- H., was bequeathed the body 
of John G. Foster. His remains were followed to the grave by 
many officers of the army and other distinguished friends. 

A comrade of General Foster's in the Mexican War, Col. 
Thomas P. Pierce, marshaled the civic cortege, and eight gen- 
eral officers, comrades in the War of the Rebellion, including 
Generals Burnside and Gordon, guarded the hearse, while John 
G. Foster Post, G. A. R., Col. George Bowers, commander, — 
another Nashua comrade of the General's in the Mexican War, 
— and a detachment of the U. S. Regulars escorted the great 
procession to the grave in the old Nashua cemetery. 

A beautiful white marble monument, suitably inscribed, was 
erected to his memory by his wife soon after the burial, in the 
lot where his mortal remains now repose. 

A bronze memorial urn has been placed near the head of 
General Foster's grave by his friends and comrades in arms, 
the members of John G. Foster Post, No. 7, Department of 
New Hampshire, Grand Army of the Republic, and the urn is 
kept filled with fresh flowers. 

Near by in the same cemetery also rests all that is mortal 
of Brevet Brig.-Gen. Aaron F. Stevens, Col. 13th N. H. Vols., 
who was General Foster's townsman and friend. 

In this cemetery also repose the remains of many other men 
who were distinguished in their day and generation as states- 
men and soldiers in every war waged by the United States 
from the War of the Revolution to the present time. The body 
of Charles G. Atherton, a distinguished senator of the United 
States, by whose influence General Foster was sent to West 
Point, was buried in this cemetery and lies near the grave of 
our hero. 

General Foster was twice married ; first, at Baltimore, Md., 
Jan. 21, 185 1, by the Most Rev. Archbishop Eccleston, married 
to Mary L. Moale, daughter of Col. Samuel Moale of Baltimore, 
who died in New York, June 6, 187 1; second, in Washing- 
ton, Jan. 9, 1S72, at St. Matthew's church, to Nannie Davis, 
daughter of George M. Davis. One daughter was born tojiim 
by his first wife, Annie M., born in Baltimore, Md., Nov. 3, 
185 1, who married Lieut. Henry Seton, U. S. A., at the cathe- 


dral in Boston, April 26, 1870. "Mrs. Seton has two sons. Her 
husband now (May, 1899) is a major in the Regular Army of 
the United States, and is (12th Infantry) in the service injhe 
Philippine Islands. 

Through his long military service, General Foster's career 
was marked by a faithful, devoted, and intelligent discharge of 
duty by personal gallantry, by honest administration, and by a 
firmness which was not weakened by his great kindness of 

To the discharge of his important functions, he brought emi- 
nent personal qualifications, military decision with courtesy, 
authority with kindness, knowledge with consideration, unfal- 
tering integrity and unflinching firmness,- fidelity to every trust, 
and loyalty to his country, and with a restless energy and un- 
tiring industry that never left anything unfinished, or to chance. 

Though dead, the record of his fame is resplendent with 
noble deeds well done, and no name on the army register of 
the United States stands fairer or higher for the personal qual- 
ities that command universal respect, honor, affection, and love 
of mankind. He was not a carpet knight, or one who shirked 
the bugle call to battle. As was said of Admiral Porter, " he 
was animated by a detestation of all forms of oppression, 
whether by governments or peoples." This was in him a con- 
suming passion. His life was filled with exciting events, but 
it was not until the Civil War that there came to him the 
opportunity for which he was fitted by lifelong training. 

We have ready applause for brilliant deeds and are not slow 
to admire genius ; and yet, that which most commands our pro- 
found and abiding reverence is not the Mash of some brilliant 
achievement, but the steady, strong progress of noble charac- 

This is the kind of power with which the memory of General 
Foster comes to us to-day. He was great in war and equally 
so in peace. There are no private discounts to reduce the ex- 
cellency and glory of his public record. 

Foster may be accepted and proclaimed as a typical Ameri- 
can soldier, " tempering fire with prudence, and uniting vigor 
with imperturbability." In the decisive moment of attack, no 


columns were more resistless than those that he directed, and 
in the terrible crisis of a losing day, no front was firmer and 
more deadly than that which he presented to a rashly exulting 
foe. His modesty, his valor, his generosity, his soldierly frank- 
ness, his kindly fraternal ways with his brother officers, his 
fatherly interest for his men, his unflinching loyalty, so en- 
deared him to every one who knew his sterling qualities, that 
all could unite and say, " This was a man, the world was better 
for his having lived." 

The thanks of the Society were presented to the speaker, 
and a copy of the address requested for preservation. 

At 3 130 p. m., on motion of Rev. N. F. Carter, the Society 

John C. Ordway, 

Recording Secretary. 



Bradbury L. Cilley, son of Joseph Longfellow and Lavina 
B. Cilley, was born in Nottingham, Sept. 6, 1838. He was a 
direct descendant of Gen. Joseph Cilley of the Revolution, 
and Col. Joseph Cilley, who served in the War of 18 12 and 
was senator in congress. Other members of the family came 
to eminence in public life. 

Mr. Cilley's preparatory studies were at Phillips Exeter 
academy, graduating in 1854, and from Harvard college in 
1858. After leaving college he taught briefly at the Albany 
academy, but in December of the same year he was chosen 
professor of ancient languages in Phillips Exeter academy, 
and assumed the duties of that position Feb. 14, 1S59, and so 
continued till his death from heart troubles, March 31, 1899. 
He served through three principalships, and portions of two 
more, and witnessed the growth of the school from 100 pupils 
to nearly 350, and the erection of all the buildings except 
Abbott hall. All but two of the present board of trustees, 
and four members of the faculty, were his pupils. Only Prin- 
cipals Abbott and Soule, and Rev. A. P. Peabody, D. D., late 
president of the board of trustees, have been as long iden- 
tified with its interests. In the upbuilding and prosperity of 
the school his services were invaluable. 

As a citizen he was public spirited and wielded a wide 
influence. As a member of Phillips parish he was untiring in 
his endeavors to advance its material interests, and had 
largely the oversight in the erection of the new church. He 
served for a time as president of the Pascataqua Congrega- 
tional club, and took great interest in the society of th-e Cin- 
cinnati and other Revolutionary and Colonial orders. He was 

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elected a member of the New Hampshire Historical Society, 
June ii, 1873. 

He married Amanda Currier Morris, daughter of Capt. John 
and Harriet Amanda (Currier) Morris, of Dover, Aug. 3, 1864, 
who survives him, as do also a son and two daughters. 

n. f. c. 


Moody Currier, the forty-second governor of New Hamp- 
shire, was born at Boscawen, N. H., April 22, 1806. He was 
the son of Rhoda Putney and Moody Currier. 

He fitted for college at Hopkinton academy and graduated 
from Dartmouth college in 1834, with high honors, delivering 
the Greek oration. After graduation he taught in Concord 
for a time and was editor jointly with Hon. Asa Fowler of the 
New Hampshire Gazette. He was principal of Hopkinton 
academy for a year and of the high school at Lowell, Mass., 
1836-41. In 1841 he entered upon the practice of law at 
Manchester, N. H., as partner with Hon. George W. Morrison. 
In 1842 he purchased an interest in the Manchester De?nocrat, 
and for a year devoted part of his time to editorial work. 

In 1848 the Amoskeag bank was incorporated and Mr. Cur- 
rier became its cashier. He afterwards organized the Amos- 
keag Savings bank and the Amoskeag National bank, be- 
coming president of both these institutions. He also organ- 
ized the People's Savings bank. 

He was largely interested in other business enterprises. 
He was a director of the Manchester mills, a director and 
president of the Manchester Gaslight Company ; was treasurer 
of the Concord & Portsmouth R. R., treasurer of the Concord 
R. R. in 187 1 and 1S72, president of the Eastern R. R. in 
New Hampshire, director of the Blodget Edge Tool Company, 
president and treasurer of the Amoskeag Axe Company, and 
treasurer of the N. E. Loan Company. He was a director and 
member of the Finance Committee of the New Hampshire 
Fire Insurance Company. 

In 1843 ne was clerk of the state senate; in 1856-57 a 


member of the senate, and its president in the latter year. 
In i860 and 1861 he was a member of the Governor's 
Council. In 1884 he was elected governor of the state, his 
inauguration taking place in June, 1885. He held the office 
until 1887. 

He received the degree of LL. D. from Dartmouth college 
and also from another college. 

He published a volume of poems for private circulation in 
1880. He was thrice married, his first wife being Lucretia C. 
Dustin, of Bow ; his second, Mary W. Kidder, of Manchester; 
and his third, Hannah A. Slade, of Thetford, Vt., who is now 

He had two children, a daughter, Lucretia D., who died. in 
1859, and a son who died in infancy. " 

Governor Currier's death occurred Aug. 23, 1898. 

The long list of New Hampshire's successful and eminent 
men contains few, if any, names that are entitled to precedence 
over that of ex-Gov. Moody Currier, and there is certainly no 
other whose career illustrates more strikingly the rewards that 
are open to ability, integrity, industry, and perseverance. 

Born in poverty and obscurity, obliged from childhood to 
support himself by manual labor upon a farm, and to obtain 
what primary education he had from a few stray books by the 
light of the chimney fire, at the close of his day's labor, which 
was from sunrise until dark, without material assistance or 
even encouragement from relatives or friends, with no money 
except the few dollars he could earn, and no resources except 
what were entirely within himself, he determined to secure 
a college training, fit himself for a profession, and win his way 
by hard work to a high and honorable place among the great 
men of his state. 

Long before he passed away he had succeeded in every- 
thing he undertook. He was one of New Hampshire's great- 
est scholars, and one of her ablest financiers. He held the 
highest political honors in the gift of her people. He acquired 
a fortune and contributed largely to the acquirement of a 
competency by others. He commanded the respect of the 
community in which he lived and the confidence of all who 


"were associated with him. His home reflected his large 
means, great learning, and cultivated tastes. His family- 
idolized him, and in his declining years ministered to him with 
the greatest watchfulness and tenderest care. 

For more than eighty years his books were the constant 
companions of his leisure hours. He never read merely for 
amusement, but always for instruction. Probably in all his 
life he did not read ten works of fiction. He read slowly, 
passing nothing which he did not understand, and when once 
he had finished a volume he never forgot what it contained. 

His knowledge of the Bible surpassed that of almost any 
New Hampshire man of his time. He could read and write 
several languages, ancient and modern, and was a master of 
pure English. He knew science, art, and literature; was 
versed in philosophy, astronomy, geology, botany, and natural 
history, and was a mathematician of a high order. The geogra- 
phy of the world was in his mind, and the world's history 
was familiar to him. 

He was always informed upon current events, and new 
inventions were the subjects of his constant study. He stud- 
ied social, moral, theological, industrial, and political prob- 
lems, and was always able to discuss them intelligently. His 
mind was a storehouse of rich and varied knowledge upon 
nearly every subject. As a financier he had no superior in the 
state. In his management of investments his judgment was 
seldom at fault. The moneyed institutions which he founded 
prospered from the first and grew steadily in size and strength 
until they stood unshaken monuments to his courage, wisdom, 
prudence, and skill in the face of panics, depressions, and all 
other adversities. 

He was a man of very decided opinions and therefore a 
strong partisan. From the birth of the Republican party he 
was one of its most courageous leaders, wisest counselors, and 
most liberal contributors. He held many public positions and 
displayed in all of them the same ability which was so con- 
spicuous in his private affairs. 

During the War of the Rebellion he was a member of the 
governor's council, and in this position his financial and 


executive ability contributed immensely to the advantage of 
the state and nation. Probably New Hampshire was more 
indebted to him than to any other man for her honorable 
record in providing money and men in response to the repeated 
calls of the government. 

As governor of the state he won a national reputation. His 
state papers are the classics of our official literature, and all 
his acts were such as to steadily strengthen him in public con- 
fidence and esteem. 

He was not an effusive or demonstrative man. His self- 
control was perfect at all times and under all circumstances. 
He was always calm, deliberate, and quiet. He never con- 
tributed to sensations. He was an ardent lover of nature, 
and a worshiper of her truth and beauty. His companionship 
was delightful and helpful to all who appreciated solid worth 
and enjoyed sound instruction. 

He has left to his family and friends a record which is to 
them a precious legacy and to all an inspiration. 

He became a member of the New Hampshire Historical 
Society, June 14, 1882. 


Samuel Sparhawk Kimball, one of the most prominent 
and highly esteemed citizens of Concord, died at his home in 
that city, May 12, 1899, aged seventy-four years, two months, 
and eleven days. 

He was one of five children, and the second son of Samuel 
Ayer Kimball, for many years a prominent lawyer of Concord, 
and Eliza (Hazen) Kimball of New Brunswick, and was born 
in Concord, March 1, 1825. He was educated in the public 
and private schools of his native town and at the Bradford, 
Mass., academy, of which Benjamin Greenleaf, a celebrated 
mathematician of that period, was principal. Early manifest- 
ing a liking and a talent for business pursuits, he went in^i844 
to Van Buren, Ark., where he engaged in business until 1852. 
The latter year he married Hannah Mason of Hubbardston, 







Samuel S. Kimball 


Mass., and removed to Dardanelle, Ark., and with his brother- 
in-law, the late C. M. Murdock, engaged in trade. They soon 
built up a successful and profitable business, which was car- 
ried on until 1859, when the partnership was dissolved and 
Mr. Kimball continued the business alone. With the break- 
ing out of the War of the Rebellion he disposed of his inter- 
ests in that section of the country and not long afterwards 
returned to his native city. In 1877 he began the erection of 
a fine house on the site of the homestead of his father, which 
had been in the possession of the Kimball family for more 
than a century. The house was finished in 1882, and he 
resided there till his death. 

On his return to Concord, Mr. Kimball was soon called 
upon to assume important and useful positions, for which his 
business training peculiarly fitted him. His advice was fre- 
quently sought in important matters, and his opinions always 
had great weight. He was one of the cemetery committee 
and a member of the board of water commissioners from 1875 
to 189 1, when he resigned on account of failing health. He 
was a member of the board of trustees of the Rolfe and Rum- 
ford asylum for orphan children from 1878 to his death, and 
for many years its treasurer. He was president of the New 
Hampshire Savings bank from 1874 to 1895, during which 
time the deposits of the bank were very largely increased. 
He was a director of the two cotton mills in Penacook, and 
president of the Boscawen mill from its organization to his 
death. He was prominently identified with the railroad inter- 
ests of the state, being a director of the Concord & Montreal 
Railroad and of the Boston, Concord & Montreal Railroad, 
and president of the latter. 

Mr. Kimball was a man of strict integrity, and was highly 
esteemed, not only by his associates in business, but by all 
who knew him. 

He became a member of this Society June 9, 1S75, an d was 
its treasurer from 1875 t0 J 885. 



Dr. Leonard W. Peabody, son of Ammi and Sarah (John- 
son) Peabody, who died in Henniker, Jan. 15, 1899, was born 
in Newport, N. H., Sept. 13, 18 17. 

He received his education at Kimball Union academy and 
the Concord Literary Institute. He studied medicine with 
Drs. Timothy Haynes of Concord and John L. Svvett of New- 
port, and graduated from the Woodstock (Vt.) Medical college 
in 1843. He began the practice of his profession in Epsom, 
where he was for a time also postmaster, but in 187 1 removed 
to Henniker, where he continued to reside till his death. 
There he early identified himself with the Congregational 
church, and was ever after an active and useful member. He 
also took a deep interest in the cause of temperance. As a 
man and a citizen he was uncompromising in his integrity, 
public spirited, and ready to aid in every endeavor to promote 
the best interests of the community. 

During the latter part of his life he became greatly inter- 
ested in antiquarian and historical matters, attended the meet- 
ings of the Eocle Society whenever possible, and seemed to 
receive new inspiration from these associations. He was 
elected a member of this Society June 10, 1874. 

In his chosen profession he stood manfully for the right, 
and amidst all its anxieties and perplexities he was ever hon- 
est and conscientious. May his life and example stimulate 
the young to higher and nobler purposes, and create a higher 
regard for those substantial principles which form the basis 
for a true and successful life ! 

He married Louisa Kelley, daughter of Abner Bailey and 
Jerusha (Fowler) Kelley, Jan. 28, 1845. His wife died June 
26, 1901. 

G. C. B. 





/ / 


co, es t 





George Alfred Pillsbury, the second son of John and 
Susanna Pillsbury, was born in Sutton, N. H., Aug. 29, 18 16, 
and died in Minneapolis, Minn., July 17, 1898. He was of 
the sixth generation in descent from William Pillsbury, who 
came to this country from Essex county, England, in 1640. 

Mr. Pillsbury received a good common school education. 
At the age of eighteen he went to Boston, and found employ- 
ment for a year in a grocery and fruit store in Boylston 
market. He then returned to Sutton, and for several years 
was engaged in the manufacture of stoves and sheet-iron ware 
with his cousin, John C. Pillsbury. In February, 1840, he 
was a clerk in the country store of John H. Pearson in War- 
ner, whose business he purchased in July following. He con- 
ducted this business till 1848, when he went to Boston and was 
employed in a wholesale dry goods store. From 1849 to 1851 
he was again in business in Warner, and then removed to Con- 
cord. During his residence in Warner he was selectman, 
town treasurer, representative in the legislature in 1850-51, 
and postmaster from 1844 to 1849. 

In 185 1 he was made by the county convention one of the 
committee to select a site for a new jail and superintend the 
construction of it. In December, 185 1, he was appointed pur- 
chasing agent of the Concord railroad, which was his chief 
occupation till 1875. ^ e vvas one °f tne organizers of the 
First National bank in 1864, and its president from 1866 till 
his removal from the city in 1878. He was also president of 
the National Savings bank from 1867 to 1874. He served as 
alderman in 1873-74; representative in the legislature in 
1871-72, and was one of a committee of three to appraise the 
real estate of the city in 1876. He vvas mayor in 1876-77. 
He was always prominent in all matters relating to public 
welfare, and contributed liberally to all benevolent and char- 
itable objects. He was a member of the building committee 
of the high school in 1863 ; a trustee of the Centennial Home 
for the Aged, as well as of the New Hampshire Orphans' Home 
at Franklin. He gave the bell on the Board of Trade building 


to the city, and with his son, Hon. Charles A. Pillsbury, the 
fine organ in the First Baptist meeting-house. 

He removed to Minneapolis, Minn., in 1878, carrying with 
him numerous testimonials of esteem. He was a member of 
the milling firm of Charles A. Pillsbury & Co., but his activi- 
ties were not confined to that business. He was mayor of 
Minneapolis in 1884-85. He was also president of the com- 
mon council, of the board of trade, of the chamber of com- 
merce, of the North-Western National bank, and of many 
other religious and social organizations, and a member of the 
school board and of the board of park commissioners. 

He was a member of the Baptist church, and was always a 
liberal contributor to the various organizations* connected with 
that denomination. 

Mr. Pillsbury aided liberally the Colby academy at New 
London before he left the state, and gave two buildings in 
1886 and 1889, at a cost of $75,000, to the Pillsbury academy 
at Owatonna, Minn. 

In 1891 he erected a soldiers' monument at Sutton, gave to 
the town of Warner a handsome building of brick and granite 
for a free library, and erected the ample and beautiful hospital 
in Concord known as the Margaret Pillsbury General Hospital, 
a memorial to his wife in the year of their golden wedding. 

Mr. Pillsbury's life was full of activity in the service of his 
country and of his fellow-men. He has left a record which 
all may envy and few excel. 

He was elected a member of this Society June 24, 1869. 


The Hon. Dexter Richards, a member of the New Hamp- 
shire Historical Society since June 8, 1881, was the son of the 
late Captain Seth and Fanny Richards, and was born at New- 
port, N. H., on the 5th day of September, A. D. 18 18. He 
was descended from an ancient English family who emigrated 
to this country, settling in Massachusetts, in the early part of 
the seventeenth century. His grandfather, Sylvanus Richards, 




9 * 




Dextkr Richards. 


who was the sixth in descent from the original settlers, re- 
moved with his family from Dedham, Mass., to Newport about 
the beginning of the nineteenth century and settled in the 
westerly part of the town, where he kept a wayside inn, and 
became the largest landholder and heaviest taxpayer in the 
town. Dexter Richards had the educational advantages 
afforded by the public schools of the town, and some terms at 
the academy in Ludlow, Vermont. He early engaged in the 
mercantile business in partnership with his father, whose suc- 
cess he shared, but later, in the same connection, became the 
owner of the Sugar River mills. 

On the retirement of the elder Richards, Dexter, his son, 
prosecuted the business, for a time in partnership with his 
brother-in-law, the late Perley S. Coffin, but finally became the 
sole owner. His business from that time was attended with 
great success, enhanced much by the demand for manufactured 
goods occasioned by the War of the Rebellion ; and he soon 
became the most wealthy citizen of the town, and finally of the 
county. He early attained prominence and decided influence 
in the affairs of the town, and took a deep interest in whatever 
pertained to its prosperity. He held the office of town clerk, 
and was for some years chairman of the board of selectmen, 
serving to the entire acceptance of the people. In the years 
1865, 1866, and 1870, and again in 1S95, he represented the 
town in the General Court. In 187 1 and 1872 he was a mem- 
ber of the executive council of the state, and in 18S7 was a 
member of the state senate. In all these public positions Mr. 
Richards devoted himself to the performance of their respon- 
sible duties in such manner as to render him conspicuous for 
his clear views and sound judgment touching all matters in- 
volving the public interest and welfare, which, together with 
unquestioned rectitude of purpose, gave him an influence in 
both branches of the legislative body which if equalled, cer- 
tainly was not exceeded by any among his associates. In 1876 
he was chosen a delegate from his town to the convention for 
revising the constitution of the state, and was an acknowledged 
useful member of that body. 

In 1872 Mr. Richards was a delegate in the national con- 


vention which nominated General Grant for the presidency, 
amd again in that which put in nomination President Hayes. 

Besides these honorable positions in the politics of the state, 
Mr. Richards held many others which identified him with its 
business and its social and charitable interests. He was a 
director in the Northern, N. H., and several other railroads of 
the state, and a trustee of the State Asylum for the Insane, and 
the Orphans' Home, each for many years, and up to the time 
of his decease. Of the latter of these institutions he was one 
of the founders, contributing largely to the fund raised for its 

He became early interested in the cause of education, was a 
trustee of the Kimball Union academy at Meriden, contribu- 
ted liberally to its support, and erected for it the building 
known as the Dexter Richards hall. He endowed a scholar- 
ship at Dartmouth college, and has otherwise contributed to 
the success and prosperity of that renowned institution of 
learning of our state. 

To his native town of Newport, in its business, its indus- 
tries, and its educational, its religious, and its social interests, 
Mr. Richards has been its greatest benefactor. He was the 
first president of the Newport Savings bank, which position he 
held for many years and until at his own desire he was suc- 
ceeded by Mr. Henry G. Carleton, now also deceased. He 
became president of the First National bank of Newport on 
the retirement of the late Thomas W. Gilmore, and held the 
office until his decease. He was for twenty years superin- 
tendent of the Sabbath-school of the Congregational church, 
of which church he was a member from his early manhood. 
He contributed more largely than all others to the expense of 
erecting its present parsonage, and also to the extensive addi- 
tions to its church edifice. He gave to the church its present 
fine organ, which he presented as a memorial of a beloved 
daughter, Miss Elizabeth A. Richards, then lately deceased. 
He was deeply attached to the church of his membership, and 
greatly devoted to its interests and prosperity, contributing 
largely each year to its financial needs. "" 

In 1888 he founded and endowed the Richards Free Li- 


brary, at an expense of $55,000, and in 1887, at an expense of 
$23,000, -erected and presented to the town the Richards High 
school ; two enduring monuments of his munificence and the 
elevated character of the objects to which he devoted his 
wealth. He was chiefly instrumental in securing the extension 
of the Concord &: Claremont railroad from Bradford to New- 
port and Claremont Junction. It was also mainly through 
Mr. Richards's efforts that in July, 1886, the wires of the 
Western Union Telegraph were extended to Newport. 

Besides greatly enlarging and increasing the manufacturing 
capabilities of the Sugar River mills, and erecting his fine 
residence on the main street of the village, Mr. Richards 
added to the attractive appearance and business facilities of the 
town the large and imposing structure known as the Richards 
block. In this building, besides several stores and offices, 
are the First National bank of Newport, the Newport Savings 
bank, and the Odd Fellows and Grand Army of the Republic 
halls. He also greatly enlarged and reconstructed the brick 
dwelling-house erected by the late William Cheney, and more 
lately owned by the late Dr. Thomas Sanborn, transforming it 
into a business building, to which he appropriately gave the 
name of the Cheney block. In this are the post-office and the 
Masonic hall. 

On the 27th of January, 1847, Mr- Richards married Miss 
Louisa F. Hatch, a daughter of the late Dr. Mason Hatch, 
a prominent and leading physician of the town. She was also 
a member of the Congregational church, and a devout, sincere, 
and consistent Christian. During all the years of their long 
married life Mrs. Richards was in hearty sympathy with her 
husband in all his business enterprises and all his plans and 
purposes, and his great success in life was much promoted by 
her uniform and cordial cooperation. 

On the 27th of January, 1897, Mr. and Mrs. Richards cele- 
brated the fiftieth anniversary of their marriage, when the 
great and recognized usefulness of Mr. Richards's public life, 
and his well-known and acknowledged virtues, as well as the 
great respect entertained for Mrs. Richards, brought to their 
residence with congratulations many of the prominent people 


of the state. In token of their recognition of the great bene- 
factions to the town by Mr. and Mrs. Richards, and of the 
deep gratitude, love, and esteem in which they were held, the 
citizens of the town presented them with a most elegant and 
magnificent golden casket, richly embossed and highly orna- 
mented, with a testimonial engrossed upon parchment, in 
which was expressed, besides their congratulations, their grate- 
ful recognition of their munificence to the town, and their 
great esteem for their virtues and the high purposes evinced in 
their lives. 

A little before this time, realizing the influence of advancing 
years upon his physical powers, though in the full possession 
of the mental vigor of earlier life, Mr. Richards had to a large 
extent retired from the more active pursuits of business life, 
being succeeded therein by his two sons, Seth M. and William 
F. Richards. 

In the early part of the year 1898, from the weight of years, 
Mr. Richards's health began gradually to decline, and, his 
strength almost imperceptibly ebbing away, on the 7th of 
August of that year, in the early evening of a Sabbath day, he 
surrendered to Him who gave it a life of great usefulness and 
dignified by great virtues and the accomplishment of worthy 

Besides the two sons, Seth M. a